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| Hispanics, US citizens and otherwise, join campaigns for close midterm fights | Hispanics, US citizens and otherwise, join campaigns for close midterm fights |
| (about 2 hours later) | |
| An estimated 11 million people in America are barred from voting in the midterm elections because of their immigration status. Abel Perez is one of them. | An estimated 11 million people in America are barred from voting in the midterm elections because of their immigration status. Abel Perez is one of them. |
| The 24-year-old was recently knocking on doors in the Colorado town of Longmont with a list of 150 Latino residents who, unlike him, are eligible to cast a ballot. | The 24-year-old was recently knocking on doors in the Colorado town of Longmont with a list of 150 Latino residents who, unlike him, are eligible to cast a ballot. |
| If no one answered the door, Perez left a leaflet warning the resident about the anti-immigrant policies of the Republican Senate candidate, Cory Gardner. | If no one answered the door, Perez left a leaflet warning the resident about the anti-immigrant policies of the Republican Senate candidate, Cory Gardner. |
| “If I can get them to vote, it is like they are voting for me,” he said. | “If I can get them to vote, it is like they are voting for me,” he said. |
| Perez is not alone. He is among a rapidly growing army of young Latino activists who are canvassing or registering voters before the midterms, even though they themselves do not have a vote. | |
| For the first time, many of these activists can be paid for their efforts because of their enrolment in a program created by the Obama administration that suspends deportations of young people who were brought to the US illegally as children, and gives them a permit to work. | For the first time, many of these activists can be paid for their efforts because of their enrolment in a program created by the Obama administration that suspends deportations of young people who were brought to the US illegally as children, and gives them a permit to work. |
| Mi Familia Vota, the largest Latino voter-registration organisation in the country, revealed that about 100 paid staff – roughly one in five of its employees – are enrolled in the program, Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA). | |
| The administration began receiving applications under the DACA program in August 2012, meaning very few activists were enrolled in time for the last election cycle. They are a political force that didn’t exist in 2012. | The administration began receiving applications under the DACA program in August 2012, meaning very few activists were enrolled in time for the last election cycle. They are a political force that didn’t exist in 2012. |
| “This is my first job,” said Perez, who received his DACA status earlier this year. “Making sure that Cory Gardner doesn’t make it to the Senate.” | “This is my first job,” said Perez, who received his DACA status earlier this year. “Making sure that Cory Gardner doesn’t make it to the Senate.” |
| But Perez and other Latinos in Colorado have mixed feelings about that mandate. This year’s midterms are taking place against a backdrop of frustration in the Latino community, which feels let down by Obama’s decision to delay executive action – expected to extend DACA to a wider pool of undocumented migrants – until after the elections. | But Perez and other Latinos in Colorado have mixed feelings about that mandate. This year’s midterms are taking place against a backdrop of frustration in the Latino community, which feels let down by Obama’s decision to delay executive action – expected to extend DACA to a wider pool of undocumented migrants – until after the elections. |
| A major poll released on Monday showed that while Latino voters continue to lean heavily Democratic, the strength of their enthusiasm has waned since Obama’s decision. It is an open secret in Washington that Obama’s postponement of the action was supported by a political calculation. | |
| There are 25.2 million Latinos who are eligible to vote in the midterms – 11% of all voters nationwide. But for the most part, they form a lower-than-average portion of the electorate in Senate races up for grabs this cycle. | There are 25.2 million Latinos who are eligible to vote in the midterms – 11% of all voters nationwide. But for the most part, they form a lower-than-average portion of the electorate in Senate races up for grabs this cycle. |
| After the the summer’s so-called border crisis, which saw a short-lived but dramatic spike of unaccompanied Central American children arriving at the border, the White House was warned that executive action on immigration reform would hurt the chances of more key Democratic Senate candidates than it would help. | After the the summer’s so-called border crisis, which saw a short-lived but dramatic spike of unaccompanied Central American children arriving at the border, the White House was warned that executive action on immigration reform would hurt the chances of more key Democratic Senate candidates than it would help. |
| Colorado, where Latinos comprise 15.4% of the eligible electorate, is the exception. The Democratic incumbent, Mark Udall, could lose the election if a disaffected Latino population fails to turn out to vote on 4 November. Udall is currently running behind Gardner in the polls. | Colorado, where Latinos comprise 15.4% of the eligible electorate, is the exception. The Democratic incumbent, Mark Udall, could lose the election if a disaffected Latino population fails to turn out to vote on 4 November. Udall is currently running behind Gardner in the polls. |
| Campaigners like Perez, who is employed by the political arm of the Colorado Immigrant Rights Coalition (CIRC), make persuasive surrogates in places like Longmont, which is almost a quarter Latino. They can tell a powerful moving story on the doorstep and have a highly personal motivation to work hard. Immigration reform, for many of them, is about keeping their families together. | Campaigners like Perez, who is employed by the political arm of the Colorado Immigrant Rights Coalition (CIRC), make persuasive surrogates in places like Longmont, which is almost a quarter Latino. They can tell a powerful moving story on the doorstep and have a highly personal motivation to work hard. Immigration reform, for many of them, is about keeping their families together. |
| Perez’s family is what is often referred to as “mixed status”. Only his 18-year-old sister, who was born in the US, has citizenship. His father and two older brothers both have a residency permit, but cannot vote. His mother and his other sister have no legal status at all and could be deported. | |
| That is more than a theoretical possibility. Perez has not seen his third brother – Jesus, aged 24 – since he was deported to Mexico four years ago. It is a story Perez occasionally tells when urging voters to back Udall, who supports comprehensive immigration reform that would give others in his family a path to legal recognition in the US. | That is more than a theoretical possibility. Perez has not seen his third brother – Jesus, aged 24 – since he was deported to Mexico four years ago. It is a story Perez occasionally tells when urging voters to back Udall, who supports comprehensive immigration reform that would give others in his family a path to legal recognition in the US. |
| “We try to make it personal so people understand,” he said. “We say that we want to keep our families together.” | “We try to make it personal so people understand,” he said. “We say that we want to keep our families together.” |
| Out of the shadows | Out of the shadows |
| Not all Latino activists are free to tell their life stories on doorsteps – or even to get paid for their efforts. On the same day Perez was knocking on doors in Longmont, a 36-year-old was doing the same further south, in the Hispanic quarter of Aurora, a suburb of Denver. | Not all Latino activists are free to tell their life stories on doorsteps – or even to get paid for their efforts. On the same day Perez was knocking on doors in Longmont, a 36-year-old was doing the same further south, in the Hispanic quarter of Aurora, a suburb of Denver. |
| He was standing on the junction of East Colfax Avenue and Havana Street, clipboard in hand, on one of the most electorally important streets in the US. Working for a nonpartisan organisation, he was scrupulous about not endorsing either party when passersby agreed to talk to him. | He was standing on the junction of East Colfax Avenue and Havana Street, clipboard in hand, on one of the most electorally important streets in the US. Working for a nonpartisan organisation, he was scrupulous about not endorsing either party when passersby agreed to talk to him. |
| “They assume I’m a citizen, a voter,” he said. “They have no idea about my true life.” The man was brought up on a farm 40 miles from Puerto Vallarta, Mexico, before crossing the border illegally aged 19. He has been in the US ever since. | “They assume I’m a citizen, a voter,” he said. “They have no idea about my true life.” The man was brought up on a farm 40 miles from Puerto Vallarta, Mexico, before crossing the border illegally aged 19. He has been in the US ever since. |
| When he’s not working in restaurant kitchens for less than minimum wage, the man has been out on the streets, persuading people to vote in the hope that, in the long term, a large Hispanic voting block will bring about immigration reform. “I am a person who likes to fight for justice,” he explained. “It makes me feel stronger.” | When he’s not working in restaurant kitchens for less than minimum wage, the man has been out on the streets, persuading people to vote in the hope that, in the long term, a large Hispanic voting block will bring about immigration reform. “I am a person who likes to fight for justice,” he explained. “It makes me feel stronger.” |
| The man spent 28 hours a week at high schools, bus stops, college campuses and a Mexican food market, urging eligible Latinos (and anyone else who was interested) to sign up before the voter registration deadline closed earlier this month. Two years too old to enroll in the DACA program, he worked for free. | The man spent 28 hours a week at high schools, bus stops, college campuses and a Mexican food market, urging eligible Latinos (and anyone else who was interested) to sign up before the voter registration deadline closed earlier this month. Two years too old to enroll in the DACA program, he worked for free. |
| Come election day there will be thousands of Coloradans eligible to vote because paid volunteers, who cannot themselves vote, convinced them to sign up. Mi Familia Vota says it alone has signed up 8,500 previously unregistered voters in the state this cycle. | |
| Nowhere will that matter more than Aurora, where the man has been focusing his efforts. Colorado’s sixth congressional district is one of the most important electoral battlegrounds in the US. Its voters will determine the outcome of three key races – gubernatorial, Senate and House – with polls showing all of them balanced on a knife-edge. | |
| Republican candidates in all three races have moderated their stance on immigration to appeal to Colorado’s changing electorate, but are are still largely opposed by Hispanics. | Republican candidates in all three races have moderated their stance on immigration to appeal to Colorado’s changing electorate, but are are still largely opposed by Hispanics. |
| Gardner, for example, whose Senate race could determine control of the upper chamber, has a history in the House of Representatives of opposing immigration reform, including for young people like Perez brought to the country illegally by their parents. | Gardner, for example, whose Senate race could determine control of the upper chamber, has a history in the House of Representatives of opposing immigration reform, including for young people like Perez brought to the country illegally by their parents. |
| But Latino campaigners do not want Democrats to take their vote for granted, and some are willing to resort to peaceful civil disobedience to prove it. Last month a campaigner working for the same organisation that employs Perez to rally voters in support of Udall was arrested during a protest against Colorado’s other Democratic senator, Michael Bennet. | But Latino campaigners do not want Democrats to take their vote for granted, and some are willing to resort to peaceful civil disobedience to prove it. Last month a campaigner working for the same organisation that employs Perez to rally voters in support of Udall was arrested during a protest against Colorado’s other Democratic senator, Michael Bennet. |
| Bennet, who chairs the Democratic senatorial campaign committee, reportedly urged Obama behind the scenes to postpone further executive action to defer deportations, fearing the impact on tight election races. (Udall said he was “disappointed” by Obama’s decision to postpone the order.) | Bennet, who chairs the Democratic senatorial campaign committee, reportedly urged Obama behind the scenes to postpone further executive action to defer deportations, fearing the impact on tight election races. (Udall said he was “disappointed” by Obama’s decision to postpone the order.) |
| Weeks later, Victor Galvan, 23, the Western Slope regional organiser for Colorado Immigrant Rights Coalition, sat down in the middle of a road near Denver’s Capitol building and refused to move. Galvan and two other activists, all of whom have DACA status, were warned by a lawyer in advance that they risked future deportation if they allowed themselves to be arrested. | |
| “The Denver County sheriffs officers warned us we were breaking the law,” Galvan said. “They spoke through a megaphone and gave us two opportunities to leave the street. We refused to move and they arrested us.” | “The Denver County sheriffs officers warned us we were breaking the law,” Galvan said. “They spoke through a megaphone and gave us two opportunities to leave the street. We refused to move and they arrested us.” |
| Galvan said that while the risks to him were high, the issue was personal. Obama and Bennet may have wanted to delay the executive action for political expediency, he said, but most Latinos know undocumented migrants, and some have friends and relatives currently in deportation proceedings who are likely to be removed imminently unless the rules change. | Galvan said that while the risks to him were high, the issue was personal. Obama and Bennet may have wanted to delay the executive action for political expediency, he said, but most Latinos know undocumented migrants, and some have friends and relatives currently in deportation proceedings who are likely to be removed imminently unless the rules change. |
| ‘They are my voice’ | ‘They are my voice’ |
| In Washington, immigration reform is discussed in terms of electoral self-interest. Democrats want desperately to keep America’s growing bloc of Latino voters. Republicans – particularly those interested in retaking the White House – see reform as an inroad into what has become an uncertain constituency. | In Washington, immigration reform is discussed in terms of electoral self-interest. Democrats want desperately to keep America’s growing bloc of Latino voters. Republicans – particularly those interested in retaking the White House – see reform as an inroad into what has become an uncertain constituency. |
| But in those parts of America where reform would matter most, the country’s immigration policy is a lived experience. While Colorado’s Senate race is the only one race where Hispanics are likely to hold sway this election cycle, there are dozens of House districts peppered across the country where the community is large enough to alter the outcome of races. | But in those parts of America where reform would matter most, the country’s immigration policy is a lived experience. While Colorado’s Senate race is the only one race where Hispanics are likely to hold sway this election cycle, there are dozens of House districts peppered across the country where the community is large enough to alter the outcome of races. |
| The Guardian recently visited two of these, both in Arizona, a state which has a paradoxical approach to immigration. Arizona’s two Republican senators, John McCain and Jeff Flake, who need to keep Latino voters onside, led the Senate drive that passed the comprehensive immigration bill last year before it was blocked by GOP opposition in the House. | The Guardian recently visited two of these, both in Arizona, a state which has a paradoxical approach to immigration. Arizona’s two Republican senators, John McCain and Jeff Flake, who need to keep Latino voters onside, led the Senate drive that passed the comprehensive immigration bill last year before it was blocked by GOP opposition in the House. |
| Yet at the same time Arizona is notorious for ushering in the most draconian immigration policies in the country, including the SB1070 law, which requires police to determine the immigration status of anyone stopped or arrested if they suspect that person might be undocumented. Many immigrant rights activists view Arizona as the most hostile place in the US to be without identification documents. | Yet at the same time Arizona is notorious for ushering in the most draconian immigration policies in the country, including the SB1070 law, which requires police to determine the immigration status of anyone stopped or arrested if they suspect that person might be undocumented. Many immigrant rights activists view Arizona as the most hostile place in the US to be without identification documents. |
| “Somebody said to me, you can’t spell ‘crazy’ without ‘AZ’,” said Angela Maria Kelley, vice-president for immigration policy at the left-leaning Center for American Progress. “It was their way of describing just how hard it is to understand Arizona politics.” | “Somebody said to me, you can’t spell ‘crazy’ without ‘AZ’,” said Angela Maria Kelley, vice-president for immigration policy at the left-leaning Center for American Progress. “It was their way of describing just how hard it is to understand Arizona politics.” |
| Mi Familia Vota has been working hard to register voters across the state. Democrats have been pouring money into two neighbouring districts, Arizona congressional districts one and two, where the incumbent representatives, Ann Kirkpatrick and Ron Barber, are among the most vulnerable in the country. | |
| Barber and Kirkpatrick support immigration reform. But Barber, whose constituency borders Mexico, has been more cautious, deflating Hispanics in his district. | |
| One disappointed constituent is Leyda Borrero, who lives in the trailer park across the street from Barber’s district office. She is a 40-year-old mother of five who came to the US from Mexico using a false passport when she was 16. | One disappointed constituent is Leyda Borrero, who lives in the trailer park across the street from Barber’s district office. She is a 40-year-old mother of five who came to the US from Mexico using a false passport when she was 16. |
| Two years ago, the father of her children was smoking a cigarette in a car outside their home when police started asking him questions. Unable to provide valid identification, he was apprehended under the SB1070 law. “That was 8am,” Borrero said. “By 1pm they had taken him across the border to Nogales.” | Two years ago, the father of her children was smoking a cigarette in a car outside their home when police started asking him questions. Unable to provide valid identification, he was apprehended under the SB1070 law. “That was 8am,” Borrero said. “By 1pm they had taken him across the border to Nogales.” |
| Borrero, who works on construction sites to raise the money to feed her children, has not been knocking on doors or putting up yard signs. But she and her family have been taking part in the political process. | Borrero, who works on construction sites to raise the money to feed her children, has not been knocking on doors or putting up yard signs. But she and her family have been taking part in the political process. |
| Last Christmas her daughter, Azul, aged eight, asked if Barber, who has a white beard and friendly face, was Santa Claus. Some friends took her across the road to Barber’s office, where she asked if he could bring her father home. | Last Christmas her daughter, Azul, aged eight, asked if Barber, who has a white beard and friendly face, was Santa Claus. Some friends took her across the road to Barber’s office, where she asked if he could bring her father home. |
| Borrero cried when she recounted that story. “As an illegal, you have friends or kids who you can make vote,” she said. “My nieces who are old enough to vote, I push them to vote. They are my voice. I can vote through them.” | Borrero cried when she recounted that story. “As an illegal, you have friends or kids who you can make vote,” she said. “My nieces who are old enough to vote, I push them to vote. They are my voice. I can vote through them.” |