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| The left needs to seize the initiative over Brexit The left needs to seize the initiative over Brexit | |
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| On Saturday Jeremy Corbyn is expected to win leadership of the Labour party again. But there will be no time for his team to celebrate, for the questions confronting progressive politics in Britain require urgent answers. | On Saturday Jeremy Corbyn is expected to win leadership of the Labour party again. But there will be no time for his team to celebrate, for the questions confronting progressive politics in Britain require urgent answers. |
| Britain’s constitution is being rewritten under our noses, without public debate, without an election. Even more worrying is the damage being done to our values by a referendum that has divided the nation and stoked fear and hatred. | Britain’s constitution is being rewritten under our noses, without public debate, without an election. Even more worrying is the damage being done to our values by a referendum that has divided the nation and stoked fear and hatred. |
| Centre-left parties must put tribalism and factionalism to one side, and urgently work together to make the case for a progressive exit from the EU. Their vision needs to meet the concerns and anxieties of Brexit-voting northern post-industrial towns without losing the internationalist outlook of the centre-left remain voters. | Centre-left parties must put tribalism and factionalism to one side, and urgently work together to make the case for a progressive exit from the EU. Their vision needs to meet the concerns and anxieties of Brexit-voting northern post-industrial towns without losing the internationalist outlook of the centre-left remain voters. |
| This is challenging, but far from impossible given the deep ideological divide that runs through the Brexit constituency itself. To undermine the fear and hatred, we need a message of hope, of security and of solidarity. And we need to get real about the best tactics to achieve this. At Global Justice we have set out a series of red lines that would from the basis of a progressive vision of leaving the EU. | This is challenging, but far from impossible given the deep ideological divide that runs through the Brexit constituency itself. To undermine the fear and hatred, we need a message of hope, of security and of solidarity. And we need to get real about the best tactics to achieve this. At Global Justice we have set out a series of red lines that would from the basis of a progressive vision of leaving the EU. |
| First, progressive parties need to admit that the conversion of social democracy to free market economics in the 1990s was a political disaster that fed Brexit. In an article this week, Stephen Kinnock MP declares that the problem for centre-left values is that they’ve been too lax on immigration. This gets everything upside down – the problem is the privatisations, the corporate-backed trade deals, the competition over low tax rates that was remorselessly pushed here and abroad, and which left working-class communities hollowed out, and individuals abandoned to the mercy of the market. | First, progressive parties need to admit that the conversion of social democracy to free market economics in the 1990s was a political disaster that fed Brexit. In an article this week, Stephen Kinnock MP declares that the problem for centre-left values is that they’ve been too lax on immigration. This gets everything upside down – the problem is the privatisations, the corporate-backed trade deals, the competition over low tax rates that was remorselessly pushed here and abroad, and which left working-class communities hollowed out, and individuals abandoned to the mercy of the market. |
| So we urgently need to create hope by proving another sort of economy is possible. Here, the public is to the left of most centre-left politicians. While politicians have largely supported a new corporate trade offensive, including US-EU trade deal TTIP, the public has opposed it. It’s time for the British opposition to unequivocally oppose TTIP’s sister agreements, Ceta, the Canada-EU deal due to be ratified this winter, and Tisa, a super-privatisation trade deal that would lock in privatisation and liberalisation of services from finance to transportation. | So we urgently need to create hope by proving another sort of economy is possible. Here, the public is to the left of most centre-left politicians. While politicians have largely supported a new corporate trade offensive, including US-EU trade deal TTIP, the public has opposed it. It’s time for the British opposition to unequivocally oppose TTIP’s sister agreements, Ceta, the Canada-EU deal due to be ratified this winter, and Tisa, a super-privatisation trade deal that would lock in privatisation and liberalisation of services from finance to transportation. |
| Let’s put something progressive in their place: economic relationships based on building up public services fit for the 21st century, on long-term investment, on sharing skills and technologies, on prioritising the realisation of low-carbon, better educated and skilled jobs, with sustainable demand driven by well-being not debt. | Let’s put something progressive in their place: economic relationships based on building up public services fit for the 21st century, on long-term investment, on sharing skills and technologies, on prioritising the realisation of low-carbon, better educated and skilled jobs, with sustainable demand driven by well-being not debt. |
| Then there’s security. Our economy breeds precarious jobs, breaks community bonds and runs down public services. The resulting fear and individualism turns people against one another – and against those who are “different” most of all. Regulation, where it challenges unfettered market power, is an antidote to this insecurity. | Then there’s security. Our economy breeds precarious jobs, breaks community bonds and runs down public services. The resulting fear and individualism turns people against one another – and against those who are “different” most of all. Regulation, where it challenges unfettered market power, is an antidote to this insecurity. |
| Anti-corporate regulation would be welcomed by many families, consumers, workers, minorities. Or small-scale farmers, who should be protected from the end of the Common Agricultural Policy by a fairer subsidy system. But progressive parties must battle to reclaim the language around regulation – as we have on tax – so that is not a symbol of “unfreedom” but a democratic means of social, and environmental, protection. | Anti-corporate regulation would be welcomed by many families, consumers, workers, minorities. Or small-scale farmers, who should be protected from the end of the Common Agricultural Policy by a fairer subsidy system. But progressive parties must battle to reclaim the language around regulation – as we have on tax – so that is not a symbol of “unfreedom” but a democratic means of social, and environmental, protection. |
| Here, progressive politicians will come across as rational, and undogmatic next to trade secretary Liam Fox, who told parliament last week that he wants a “low-tax and low-regulation” economy. Or next to Theresa May, who continues to threaten to exit the European Convention on Human Rights, something that would leave us in a category with Belarus. Or next to Andrea Leadsom, said to believe in replacing agricultural support with an “insurance” system that makes farmers more dependent on financial markets. | Here, progressive politicians will come across as rational, and undogmatic next to trade secretary Liam Fox, who told parliament last week that he wants a “low-tax and low-regulation” economy. Or next to Theresa May, who continues to threaten to exit the European Convention on Human Rights, something that would leave us in a category with Belarus. Or next to Andrea Leadsom, said to believe in replacing agricultural support with an “insurance” system that makes farmers more dependent on financial markets. |
| It’s the internationalism, most prized by many progressive remain voters, that is the toughest nut to crack, but if communicated as part of a single agenda with hope and security, we can win people back. And we need to do this because ditching freedom of movement will not preserve domestic harmony and an international outlook. It would, rather, fuel demands for a harsher migration system, a further clampdown on refugees, an increase in racism, and increase in Ukip’s vote. | It’s the internationalism, most prized by many progressive remain voters, that is the toughest nut to crack, but if communicated as part of a single agenda with hope and security, we can win people back. And we need to do this because ditching freedom of movement will not preserve domestic harmony and an international outlook. It would, rather, fuel demands for a harsher migration system, a further clampdown on refugees, an increase in racism, and increase in Ukip’s vote. |
| In theory, free movement can be the most progressive aspect of our economy, treating people, wherever they’re from, as human beings with equal worth. It allows people an escape from poverty, unemployment and governments they don’t like. The EU’s treatment of migrants is an international disgrace. But the solution is to gradually extend that freedom – not stop it altogether. | In theory, free movement can be the most progressive aspect of our economy, treating people, wherever they’re from, as human beings with equal worth. It allows people an escape from poverty, unemployment and governments they don’t like. The EU’s treatment of migrants is an international disgrace. But the solution is to gradually extend that freedom – not stop it altogether. |
| So rather than ditch free movement of people to preserve the free movement of capital, as the mainstream remain campaign is now doing, we must do the opposite. Big business must be controlled and regulated. And the poorest should not pay the price for these principles. Perhaps, rather like universities, migrants come to an area accompanied by investment, meaning the appearance of migrants means all lives getting better. | So rather than ditch free movement of people to preserve the free movement of capital, as the mainstream remain campaign is now doing, we must do the opposite. Big business must be controlled and regulated. And the poorest should not pay the price for these principles. Perhaps, rather like universities, migrants come to an area accompanied by investment, meaning the appearance of migrants means all lives getting better. |
| How to achieve this? Time is not on our side, and we need to be realistic; the best and perhaps only way to prevent an immediate rewriting of our constitution on the worst terms possible is joining the European Economic Area (EEA). There are as many problems with the EEA as there are with the EU, and one additional one, which is that we don’t even get a seat at the negotiating table. But the alternative is a “hard Brexit”, which would give the current government a free hand to abolish our protections, introduce immigration controls, and embed the “market knows best” mantra into every aspect of our lives. | How to achieve this? Time is not on our side, and we need to be realistic; the best and perhaps only way to prevent an immediate rewriting of our constitution on the worst terms possible is joining the European Economic Area (EEA). There are as many problems with the EEA as there are with the EU, and one additional one, which is that we don’t even get a seat at the negotiating table. But the alternative is a “hard Brexit”, which would give the current government a free hand to abolish our protections, introduce immigration controls, and embed the “market knows best” mantra into every aspect of our lives. |
| The political tide is currently flowing against the EEA, and only a concerted and unified campaign by progressive politicians will reverse this. The window is closing on this tactically vital act of damage limitation. | The political tide is currently flowing against the EEA, and only a concerted and unified campaign by progressive politicians will reverse this. The window is closing on this tactically vital act of damage limitation. |
| If progressive forces fail to create a vision that resonates with significant portions of leave and remain voters, the future is very bleak indeed – a free-trade, low-tax, low-regulation economy, with opposition coming not from the left, but from an increasingly insular economic nationalism fuelled by the likes of Arron Banks. The situation could not be more serious – politicians need to start behaving accordingly. | If progressive forces fail to create a vision that resonates with significant portions of leave and remain voters, the future is very bleak indeed – a free-trade, low-tax, low-regulation economy, with opposition coming not from the left, but from an increasingly insular economic nationalism fuelled by the likes of Arron Banks. The situation could not be more serious – politicians need to start behaving accordingly. |