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| Afghan Vice President Raises Concerns by Turning to Militias in Taliban Fight | Afghan Vice President Raises Concerns by Turning to Militias in Taliban Fight |
| (about 4 hours later) | |
| ALMAR, Afghanistan — At first, Vice President Abdul Rashid Dostum tried to get help from his own government, lobbying the National Security Council to intervene as a Taliban offensive began making serious inroads on his home territory, a once relatively quiet northern region of Afghanistan. | ALMAR, Afghanistan — At first, Vice President Abdul Rashid Dostum tried to get help from his own government, lobbying the National Security Council to intervene as a Taliban offensive began making serious inroads on his home territory, a once relatively quiet northern region of Afghanistan. |
| But after months of mostly fruitless pleading, Mr. Dostum — a feared former warlord who had brutally fought the Taliban and also provoked some of the worst excesses of the long Afghan civil war — turned back to his roots. Activating a collection of private militias in addition to some Afghan police and army units, he went charging up north in July. | But after months of mostly fruitless pleading, Mr. Dostum — a feared former warlord who had brutally fought the Taliban and also provoked some of the worst excesses of the long Afghan civil war — turned back to his roots. Activating a collection of private militias in addition to some Afghan police and army units, he went charging up north in July. |
| Back in his home province of Jawzjan, Mr. Dostum turned his pink palace into a command center and announced that he was coordinating the war efforts there and in the neighboring provinces of Faryab and Sar-e-Pul. Local officials and militia commanders, many of them with fully armed forces despite a costly disarmament campaign, began rallying to his call. | Back in his home province of Jawzjan, Mr. Dostum turned his pink palace into a command center and announced that he was coordinating the war efforts there and in the neighboring provinces of Faryab and Sar-e-Pul. Local officials and militia commanders, many of them with fully armed forces despite a costly disarmament campaign, began rallying to his call. |
| Mr. Dostum’s actions have been publicized here as the bravery of a battle-hardened general. But in what is supposed to be a year that tests the ability of the Afghan security forces to fend off enemy threats on their own, his moves have also raised a serious question: Amid a territory-gobbling insurgent offensive, will the strongmen and former warlords prominent in the Afghan government honor the national security system, or will they remobilize militias that in the 1990s caused the chaos that gave rise to the Taliban in the first place? | Mr. Dostum’s actions have been publicized here as the bravery of a battle-hardened general. But in what is supposed to be a year that tests the ability of the Afghan security forces to fend off enemy threats on their own, his moves have also raised a serious question: Amid a territory-gobbling insurgent offensive, will the strongmen and former warlords prominent in the Afghan government honor the national security system, or will they remobilize militias that in the 1990s caused the chaos that gave rise to the Taliban in the first place? |
| That the man a heartbeat away from the Afghan presidency was on the front lines — rallying a military force of dubious legality — caused consternation in Afghanistan’s military and political establishments, and deep concern among Western diplomats. | That the man a heartbeat away from the Afghan presidency was on the front lines — rallying a military force of dubious legality — caused consternation in Afghanistan’s military and political establishments, and deep concern among Western diplomats. |
| Partly because of pressures from President Ashraf Ghani, government officials said, Mr. Dostum’s offensive has been downgraded to a morale-building tour of the national forces in Faryab, with the vice president and his two sons in uniform making the rounds. Some areas that Mr. Dostum passed through and declared clear of Taliban, like Mir Shadi in Almar district, fell only days later to the militants, who set dozens of homes on fire, local officials said. | Partly because of pressures from President Ashraf Ghani, government officials said, Mr. Dostum’s offensive has been downgraded to a morale-building tour of the national forces in Faryab, with the vice president and his two sons in uniform making the rounds. Some areas that Mr. Dostum passed through and declared clear of Taliban, like Mir Shadi in Almar district, fell only days later to the militants, who set dozens of homes on fire, local officials said. |
| However, for days the vice president’s antics brought new attention to just how mixed up and troubled northern Afghanistan is this year. Even without Mr. Dostum in the vanguard, militiamen have been flowing in to fight the Taliban — and increasingly, local officials say, one another. | However, for days the vice president’s antics brought new attention to just how mixed up and troubled northern Afghanistan is this year. Even without Mr. Dostum in the vanguard, militiamen have been flowing in to fight the Taliban — and increasingly, local officials say, one another. |
| “There were up to 9,000 people gathered here,” Mr. Dostum said in his palace in Jawzjan after meetings with militia commanders. “They wanted to go to Faryab and fight the Taliban. But what can I do? The president does not allow it.” | “There were up to 9,000 people gathered here,” Mr. Dostum said in his palace in Jawzjan after meetings with militia commanders. “They wanted to go to Faryab and fight the Taliban. But what can I do? The president does not allow it.” |
| In Faryab Province, a crucial gateway to the north, it is increasingly clear that the injection of such militias, with fluid loyalties, has made the battlefield so chaotic that it reminds many locals of the factional fighting of the 1990s, a bitter conflict that claimed hundreds of thousands of lives. | In Faryab Province, a crucial gateway to the north, it is increasingly clear that the injection of such militias, with fluid loyalties, has made the battlefield so chaotic that it reminds many locals of the factional fighting of the 1990s, a bitter conflict that claimed hundreds of thousands of lives. |
| The Taliban in the province are numbered at about 3,000 local fighters, security officials said, and are aided by about 500 foreign militants, largely from the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan, which pledged loyalty this year to the Islamic State, also known as ISIL or ISIS. The local government will not disclose the number of soldiers and police officers in Faryab, but it has clearly not been enough: The Taliban have been gaining ground, despite an estimated 5,000 militia fighters called in desperation to help. | The Taliban in the province are numbered at about 3,000 local fighters, security officials said, and are aided by about 500 foreign militants, largely from the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan, which pledged loyalty this year to the Islamic State, also known as ISIL or ISIS. The local government will not disclose the number of soldiers and police officers in Faryab, but it has clearly not been enough: The Taliban have been gaining ground, despite an estimated 5,000 militia fighters called in desperation to help. |
| Officials and commanders with the security forces described struggling to distinguish between the militias fighting on their side, a large number of whom derive their authority from their relationship to Mr. Dostum, and the insurgents they are supposed to be battling. | Officials and commanders with the security forces described struggling to distinguish between the militias fighting on their side, a large number of whom derive their authority from their relationship to Mr. Dostum, and the insurgents they are supposed to be battling. |
| Both the militias and the Taliban lack specific uniforms, both forces carry Kalashnikov assault rifles, both rely heavily on motorcycles and both have displayed fluid loyalties. And increasingly, locals say, both forces have also turned to looting and burning. | Both the militias and the Taliban lack specific uniforms, both forces carry Kalashnikov assault rifles, both rely heavily on motorcycles and both have displayed fluid loyalties. And increasingly, locals say, both forces have also turned to looting and burning. |
| Roughly 30,000 civilians have been displaced by this year’s violence in Faryab, according to the Norwegian Refugee Council aid group. Much of the displacement has happened just as the people were preparing to reap the year’s harvest. The United Nations, reporting a 160 percent increase this year compared with last year in civilian casualties resulting from fighting between rival pro-government militias, said that “significant levels” of the displacements were caused by pro-government groups. | Roughly 30,000 civilians have been displaced by this year’s violence in Faryab, according to the Norwegian Refugee Council aid group. Much of the displacement has happened just as the people were preparing to reap the year’s harvest. The United Nations, reporting a 160 percent increase this year compared with last year in civilian casualties resulting from fighting between rival pro-government militias, said that “significant levels” of the displacements were caused by pro-government groups. |
| One resident of Faryab Province, Ishan Qul, 70, said he was forced to flee his home in Pashtun Kot district. His family, along with two others, are living in the provincial capital, Maimana, in a mud-brick hut that used to be a shelter for stray dogs. | One resident of Faryab Province, Ishan Qul, 70, said he was forced to flee his home in Pashtun Kot district. His family, along with two others, are living in the provincial capital, Maimana, in a mud-brick hut that used to be a shelter for stray dogs. |
| Unlike previous years, when the Taliban took a 10 percent tax of his crops, Mr. Qul said the insurgents took his entire harvest this year. And now the militias are involved, too. | Unlike previous years, when the Taliban took a 10 percent tax of his crops, Mr. Qul said the insurgents took his entire harvest this year. And now the militias are involved, too. |
| “The militias also beat and kill people; they ask for a share,” Mr. Qul said. “They have taken up weapons to bring security, but they are doing the looting themselves.” | “The militias also beat and kill people; they ask for a share,” Mr. Qul said. “They have taken up weapons to bring security, but they are doing the looting themselves.” |
| A senior security official acknowledged that the militias were harassing the locals, but said they had been warned “not to touch people’s property.” | A senior security official acknowledged that the militias were harassing the locals, but said they had been warned “not to touch people’s property.” |
| “It was a tradition here: when the Taliban raided a village, they would loot and burn houses,” the official said, speaking on condition of anonymity to discuss the trouble. “And when the government took back the area, the militias would do the same, they would be so happy to come with us on the operation.” | “It was a tradition here: when the Taliban raided a village, they would loot and burn houses,” the official said, speaking on condition of anonymity to discuss the trouble. “And when the government took back the area, the militias would do the same, they would be so happy to come with us on the operation.” |
| On the battlefield, the militias are often working to undermine rivals — even if it means switching sides to the Taliban, local officials said. | On the battlefield, the militias are often working to undermine rivals — even if it means switching sides to the Taliban, local officials said. |
| One recent example was the militia belonging to a commander named Khairullah, made up of 150 to 400 armed men, according to varying accounts. | One recent example was the militia belonging to a commander named Khairullah, made up of 150 to 400 armed men, according to varying accounts. |
| Days after the Afghan government provided nearly 7,000 rounds of ammunition to Mr. Khairullah’s forces and 5,000 rounds to the forces of another commander named Amin Bek, according to an official briefed on security meetings, Mr. Khariullah’s security posts dotting the village of Qaraee came under attack by the Taliban for 14 days. The Khairullah fighters survived on stale bread and water during the siege. | Days after the Afghan government provided nearly 7,000 rounds of ammunition to Mr. Khairullah’s forces and 5,000 rounds to the forces of another commander named Amin Bek, according to an official briefed on security meetings, Mr. Khariullah’s security posts dotting the village of Qaraee came under attack by the Taliban for 14 days. The Khairullah fighters survived on stale bread and water during the siege. |
| Pretty soon, Mr. Bek — who has had a long, bloody rivalry with Mr. Khairullah — switched sides to the Taliban and his soldiers opened fire on Mr. Khairullah’s posts using government ammunition. Eleven of Mr. Khairullah’s fighters were killed, 15 were wounded and 22 disappeared, his fighters said. | Pretty soon, Mr. Bek — who has had a long, bloody rivalry with Mr. Khairullah — switched sides to the Taliban and his soldiers opened fire on Mr. Khairullah’s posts using government ammunition. Eleven of Mr. Khairullah’s fighters were killed, 15 were wounded and 22 disappeared, his fighters said. |
| Weeks later, aides to Mr. Dostum trumpeted the return of Mr. Bek to the government’s side as the surrender of a Taliban group. | Weeks later, aides to Mr. Dostum trumpeted the return of Mr. Bek to the government’s side as the surrender of a Taliban group. |
| Mr. Dostum said that much of the heavy fighting in Faryab and large parts of the north had been carried out by the foreign fighters. Relying on the militias, which he, like much of the Afghan government, calls “popular uprisings,” is a desperate last resort. Others say the vice president’s direct involvement in the response to the Taliban offensive is a reason the Taliban have increased their numbers, turning Faryab into a decisive battle for honor. | Mr. Dostum said that much of the heavy fighting in Faryab and large parts of the north had been carried out by the foreign fighters. Relying on the militias, which he, like much of the Afghan government, calls “popular uprisings,” is a desperate last resort. Others say the vice president’s direct involvement in the response to the Taliban offensive is a reason the Taliban have increased their numbers, turning Faryab into a decisive battle for honor. |
| As Mr. Dostum was preparing to travel to Faryab, a district in the province of Sar-e-Pul fell to the Taliban. The chief of the Afghan Army was on the phone. | As Mr. Dostum was preparing to travel to Faryab, a district in the province of Sar-e-Pul fell to the Taliban. The chief of the Afghan Army was on the phone. |
| “In Sar-e-Pul, I will give them a lesson myself,” Mr. Dostum could be heard telling the army chief, declaring that his “heart is brimming.” | “In Sar-e-Pul, I will give them a lesson myself,” Mr. Dostum could be heard telling the army chief, declaring that his “heart is brimming.” |
| To illustrate, Mr. Dostum recounted a story: As he was taking a helicopter ride recently, he saw the blur of a man on a motorcycle. He felt the desire to ask the gunner if he could sit behind the weapon. (No shooting took place.) | |
| “The poor guy was probably innocent,” Mr. Dostum said, “but I have developed such a hatred for those riding motorcycles.” | “The poor guy was probably innocent,” Mr. Dostum said, “but I have developed such a hatred for those riding motorcycles.” |
| Many of them are probably his own men. | Many of them are probably his own men. |