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Labour should have seen this membership debacle coming | Labour should have seen this membership debacle coming |
(35 minutes later) | |
In 2012, the manufacturer of the soft drink Mountain Dew ran an online poll to name a new apple-flavoured drink. Bad idea: within days, a well coordinated trolling campaign had flooded the nomination form with joke suggestions including Gushing Granny, Fapple and Diabeetus. | |
Unsurprisingly, PepsiCo declined to name its new drink after any of these appealing choices, and pulled the competition. But the example does show that there are good reasons why most public contests control the options on offer, and institute a bar to entry. | Unsurprisingly, PepsiCo declined to name its new drink after any of these appealing choices, and pulled the competition. But the example does show that there are good reasons why most public contests control the options on offer, and institute a bar to entry. |
That is part of the reason we have a representative democracy, filtered through councillors and MPs, rather than a referendum on absolutely everything. Within a week, everyone would be totally knackered and we’d have brought back capital punishment. | That is part of the reason we have a representative democracy, filtered through councillors and MPs, rather than a referendum on absolutely everything. Within a week, everyone would be totally knackered and we’d have brought back capital punishment. |
If only someone in Labour had heard about the Diabeetus gambit. Always keen to attract new members, under Ed Miliband the party decided to open up future leadership contests by giving an equal vote to members, affiliates and supporters. This last group included anyone who would pay £3, with the caveat that they had to support the party’s principles. Crucially, it allowed these people to join even after the contest had begun. Both of these decisions have been much criticised in recent days, which is unfair. The first is not a bad idea; the second one is. | |
Labour needs new blood, and it needs to fire up its activists for the next five years as well as attract voters in 2020. In Scotland, for example, it must win back seats in which it used to have five-figure majorities. That means that constituency parties – which could once have selected an angry beagle in a red rosette, and seen Mr Bitey surge to victory on a tidal wave of support – now have to find plenty of warm bodies to knock on doors, organise local campaigns and update voter contact details. Labour hoped that if it attracted new members and supporters, they might take on some of this boring, unglamorous work. | |
Unfortunately, it didn’t foresee that some people’s interest in the Labour party might start and end with it being led by Jeremy Corbyn. | Unfortunately, it didn’t foresee that some people’s interest in the Labour party might start and end with it being led by Jeremy Corbyn. |
Established members tend to regard these upstarts as they do football’s “glory hunters”, who discover a sudden affection for a big team when it’s top of the league. The old-timers feel that allegiances should be more tribal, and possibly involve suffering under a leader or two who you hate because you feel a greater commitment to the cause. The idea of the party, in this argument, is bigger than any single leader. | |
That’s the clash at the heart of the current membership meltdown. Of course, it doesn’t help that the Labour party itself appears unable to communicate its rules clearly to outsiders – and that some high-profile people are determined to ignore them in order to make a point. | That’s the clash at the heart of the current membership meltdown. Of course, it doesn’t help that the Labour party itself appears unable to communicate its rules clearly to outsiders – and that some high-profile people are determined to ignore them in order to make a point. |
In the past few days, there have been complaints of rejected membership from figures such as Marcus Chown (who is on the national executive of the National Health Action party), the comedian Jeremy Hardy (who raised money for the Greens’ Caroline Lucas in Brighton during the general election), activists for the trade union-led socialist party TUSC, and members of the Women’s Equality party, which plans to stand candidates against Labour. Unsurprisingly, election officials felt it unlikely that these complainants were truly committed to the election of a Labour government against all opposition – not just the evil Tories. | |
On a purely pragmatic level, some purging has to happen. If Labour officials allow the rules to be bent to assuage the feelings of Radio 4 comedians, the whole contest could be overturned in court. | On a purely pragmatic level, some purging has to happen. If Labour officials allow the rules to be bent to assuage the feelings of Radio 4 comedians, the whole contest could be overturned in court. |
As my colleague Stephen Bush writes: “The doomsday scenario at headquarters isn’t a Corbyn victory – all but one or two of the party’s staff believe that is inevitable – but a legal challenge following a close Corbyn victory.” Perhaps the worry should be that Labour is weeding out only those who have been vocal on social media about joining other parties, and many others will remain undiscovered. | As my colleague Stephen Bush writes: “The doomsday scenario at headquarters isn’t a Corbyn victory – all but one or two of the party’s staff believe that is inevitable – but a legal challenge following a close Corbyn victory.” Perhaps the worry should be that Labour is weeding out only those who have been vocal on social media about joining other parties, and many others will remain undiscovered. |
But let’s not be too hard on some of these rejected voters. Perhaps they didn’t want to vote Labour when it was (as they saw it) a neoliberal, pro-austerity, pro-Nato party that was too soft on Israel and too tough on benefit claimants. A Labour party led by Jeremy Corbyn would be one they’d feel comfortable voting for. The trouble is that the entire current model of party membership and support is not set up to deal with people who feel a passing, rather than tribal, loyalty to Labour. | But let’s not be too hard on some of these rejected voters. Perhaps they didn’t want to vote Labour when it was (as they saw it) a neoliberal, pro-austerity, pro-Nato party that was too soft on Israel and too tough on benefit claimants. A Labour party led by Jeremy Corbyn would be one they’d feel comfortable voting for. The trouble is that the entire current model of party membership and support is not set up to deal with people who feel a passing, rather than tribal, loyalty to Labour. |
That is part of a larger problem experienced across the political spectrum. Our old, class-based loyalties have declined, and with them our allegiance to the two main parties. (Labour and the Tories used to get 90% of the vote between them; they now manage less than two-thirds.) | That is part of a larger problem experienced across the political spectrum. Our old, class-based loyalties have declined, and with them our allegiance to the two main parties. (Labour and the Tories used to get 90% of the vote between them; they now manage less than two-thirds.) |
Many feel that other aspects of their identities are more important than party loyalties. As a feminist, you might feel that you would vote for Stella Creasy, if you lived in Walthamstow, but Caroline Lucas if you lived in Brighton, for example. Others might vote on the grounds of race or religion, or be swayed from their usual party by a particularly impressive local candidate. | Many feel that other aspects of their identities are more important than party loyalties. As a feminist, you might feel that you would vote for Stella Creasy, if you lived in Walthamstow, but Caroline Lucas if you lived in Brighton, for example. Others might vote on the grounds of race or religion, or be swayed from their usual party by a particularly impressive local candidate. |
So what we are seeing in Labour is not an isolated problem. It is the fundamental challenge that mainstream politicians face in the 21st century, as they struggle to reach out to new supporters without alienating their existing activists. How much loyalty do they have a right to demand of their members? Or, to put it more simply: how do you invite people to join your party without attracting gatecrashers too? | So what we are seeing in Labour is not an isolated problem. It is the fundamental challenge that mainstream politicians face in the 21st century, as they struggle to reach out to new supporters without alienating their existing activists. How much loyalty do they have a right to demand of their members? Or, to put it more simply: how do you invite people to join your party without attracting gatecrashers too? |