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To help refugees, Cameron must first stop calling them economic migrants Cameron must help refugees and bin the economic migrant label
(35 minutes later)
When it comes to refugees David Cameron has a record of not rushing into a response in the face of a public outcry that more must be done.When it comes to refugees David Cameron has a record of not rushing into a response in the face of a public outcry that more must be done.
When in January 2014 the UN launched an appeal, backed by 25 charities including Oxfam and Amnesty International, to take part in a large-scale programme to resettle 30,000 people fleeing Syria, it was weeks before Cameron responded.When in January 2014 the UN launched an appeal, backed by 25 charities including Oxfam and Amnesty International, to take part in a large-scale programme to resettle 30,000 people fleeing Syria, it was weeks before Cameron responded.
When he did, he declined to take part in the UN programme, saying it would be tokenistic given the huge number of refugees. Instead he stepped up Britain’s aid programme to help refugees in the region and set up a separate vulnerable persons relocation scheme, which prioritised victims of sexual violence, elderly and disabled people and victims of torture. As of June, only 215 people have come to Britain under this scheme.When he did, he declined to take part in the UN programme, saying it would be tokenistic given the huge number of refugees. Instead he stepped up Britain’s aid programme to help refugees in the region and set up a separate vulnerable persons relocation scheme, which prioritised victims of sexual violence, elderly and disabled people and victims of torture. As of June, only 215 people have come to Britain under this scheme.
In April, the refugee crisis came to a new head during the general election, when hundreds of people drowned trying to cross the Mediterranean. Their plight provoked a new public outcry but it was not until after the Ukip leader, Nigel Farage, had demanded that Britain should help pluck them from the sea that Cameron ordered the Royal Navy to take part. Unfortunately, no major Royal Navy ship is involved any longer in proactive search and rescue operations.In April, the refugee crisis came to a new head during the general election, when hundreds of people drowned trying to cross the Mediterranean. Their plight provoked a new public outcry but it was not until after the Ukip leader, Nigel Farage, had demanded that Britain should help pluck them from the sea that Cameron ordered the Royal Navy to take part. Unfortunately, no major Royal Navy ship is involved any longer in proactive search and rescue operations.
So what considerations are involved in Cameron’s stance on taking more refugees? The government rightly points out that it has been the second largest aid donor in the world, after the US, committing more than £900m to help the 4 million UN-registered refugees in Lebanon, Jordan and neighbouring countries by providing food rations and other help.So what considerations are involved in Cameron’s stance on taking more refugees? The government rightly points out that it has been the second largest aid donor in the world, after the US, committing more than £900m to help the 4 million UN-registered refugees in Lebanon, Jordan and neighbouring countries by providing food rations and other help.
In July, Justine Greening, the international development minister, insisted the policy was working because “only 2% of the 11 million displaced Syrians have sought asylum in Europe”. But the latest flows of desperate people show that the conditions in those camps have become so unbearable that it is no longer a solution.In July, Justine Greening, the international development minister, insisted the policy was working because “only 2% of the 11 million displaced Syrians have sought asylum in Europe”. But the latest flows of desperate people show that the conditions in those camps have become so unbearable that it is no longer a solution.
What about responding to the demands of the Germans, Italians and French for Britain to share the responsibility for relocating around Europe those refugees who have made it across the Mediterranean and had their claims for asylum recognised?What about responding to the demands of the Germans, Italians and French for Britain to share the responsibility for relocating around Europe those refugees who have made it across the Mediterranean and had their claims for asylum recognised?
Britain has refused repeated requests to take part in two EU schemes: the first to relocate over the next two years 40,000 of those who have made it to Europe, and the second, more modest, scheme to resettle 20,000 refugees from the Middle East and north Africa around Europe. Theresa May has insisted that opening up such legal routes to protection will only act as a “pull factor” encouraging more people to come.Britain has refused repeated requests to take part in two EU schemes: the first to relocate over the next two years 40,000 of those who have made it to Europe, and the second, more modest, scheme to resettle 20,000 refugees from the Middle East and north Africa around Europe. Theresa May has insisted that opening up such legal routes to protection will only act as a “pull factor” encouraging more people to come.
The greatest pressure Britain will face within Europe in the build-up to the crucial EU interior ministers’ meeting on 14 September will be to participate in the two schemes. The decisions by Germany and Sweden to suspend the Dublin convention and open their doors to asylum seekers regardless of having reached another EU country first has intensified the pressure.The greatest pressure Britain will face within Europe in the build-up to the crucial EU interior ministers’ meeting on 14 September will be to participate in the two schemes. The decisions by Germany and Sweden to suspend the Dublin convention and open their doors to asylum seekers regardless of having reached another EU country first has intensified the pressure.
The problem with being flexible is that Cameron has insisted most of those trying to cross the Mediterranean are not people fleeing wars but economic migrants seeking a bigger life. The distinction makes a big difference, because even Britain recognises that refugees must be given international protection and help to settle while economic migrants can be sent back to where they came from.The problem with being flexible is that Cameron has insisted most of those trying to cross the Mediterranean are not people fleeing wars but economic migrants seeking a bigger life. The distinction makes a big difference, because even Britain recognises that refugees must be given international protection and help to settle while economic migrants can be sent back to where they came from.
In this crisis Britain has argued most strongly for the registration, fingerprinting and processing of asylum claims of those who make it across the Mediterranean, with a view to rapidly return those whose claims are rejected.In this crisis Britain has argued most strongly for the registration, fingerprinting and processing of asylum claims of those who make it across the Mediterranean, with a view to rapidly return those whose claims are rejected.
On Sunday, May signed a letter with the French and Germans, calling for “hotspot” processing centres in Italy and Greece, an EU-wide list of countries it is safe to return rejected asylum seekers to and a for a rapid returns programme.On Sunday, May signed a letter with the French and Germans, calling for “hotspot” processing centres in Italy and Greece, an EU-wide list of countries it is safe to return rejected asylum seekers to and a for a rapid returns programme.
The Germans are keen that a number of Balkan countries, including Kosovo, Albania and Serbia are on the list as they account for a significant slice of the 800,000 asylum applications they anticipate this year. Britain would also like licence to rapidly return Albanians who feature strongly in UK asylum applications.The Germans are keen that a number of Balkan countries, including Kosovo, Albania and Serbia are on the list as they account for a significant slice of the 800,000 asylum applications they anticipate this year. Britain would also like licence to rapidly return Albanians who feature strongly in UK asylum applications.
But all the evidence shows that most of those crossing the Mediterranean are refugees not asylum seekers. EU statistics show that 94% of the Syrians who make it to Europe are given official refugee status, 88% of Iraqis are recognised as refugees, 90% of Eritreans and 66% of Afghans. If they can make it, they will get help, but as the recent scenes at Calais show, getting into Britain to claim asylum is a lot more difficult than it might appear. Cameron, however, will need to drop his claim that most people trying to come to Britain are economic migrants rather than refugees to do more to help them.But all the evidence shows that most of those crossing the Mediterranean are refugees not asylum seekers. EU statistics show that 94% of the Syrians who make it to Europe are given official refugee status, 88% of Iraqis are recognised as refugees, 90% of Eritreans and 66% of Afghans. If they can make it, they will get help, but as the recent scenes at Calais show, getting into Britain to claim asylum is a lot more difficult than it might appear. Cameron, however, will need to drop his claim that most people trying to come to Britain are economic migrants rather than refugees to do more to help them.
Some voices have started to demand that Britain should only take more unaccompanied children or victims of sexual violence. Well, the existing UK vulnerable persons relocation scheme already prioritises women who have been victims of rape in Syria, and the suggestion of only helping the orphaned children ignores the fact that we already officially recognise that even the most able-bodied adult male Syrian deserves our protection if only they could reach Britain.Some voices have started to demand that Britain should only take more unaccompanied children or victims of sexual violence. Well, the existing UK vulnerable persons relocation scheme already prioritises women who have been victims of rape in Syria, and the suggestion of only helping the orphaned children ignores the fact that we already officially recognise that even the most able-bodied adult male Syrian deserves our protection if only they could reach Britain.
The danger is that while Britain has a tradition of humanitarian protection it also has a longer tradition of solving these questions by military means as well, whether in this case it means using the Navy to seize the smugglers’ boats or bombing Syria - both of which options Cameron is also considering.The danger is that while Britain has a tradition of humanitarian protection it also has a longer tradition of solving these questions by military means as well, whether in this case it means using the Navy to seize the smugglers’ boats or bombing Syria - both of which options Cameron is also considering.