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Northern Ireland's political crisis: key questions answered | |
(about 5 hours later) | |
Why, more than two decades after the paramilitary ceasefires and 18 years since the Good Friday agreement, is power sharing between unionists and nationalists in peril? | Why, more than two decades after the paramilitary ceasefires and 18 years since the Good Friday agreement, is power sharing between unionists and nationalists in peril? |
The key word is “paramilitaries” and in particular allegations that the IRA continues to exist and kill. A central reason why unionists agreed to share power with Sinn Féin was the IRA statement of 2005, which appeared to suggest the latter was dissolving as a military force. Following this communique, the IRA decommissioned most (not all, it now seems) of its arms. | The key word is “paramilitaries” and in particular allegations that the IRA continues to exist and kill. A central reason why unionists agreed to share power with Sinn Féin was the IRA statement of 2005, which appeared to suggest the latter was dissolving as a military force. Following this communique, the IRA decommissioned most (not all, it now seems) of its arms. |
So why would mainstream republicans risk provoking unionists by allegedly killing former IRA comrade Kevin McGuigan? | So why would mainstream republicans risk provoking unionists by allegedly killing former IRA comrade Kevin McGuigan? |
Belfast republicans faced a stark choice this summer. They could grit their teeth and allow the Police Service of Northern Ireland to catch the killer of the ex-IRA commander, Gerard ‘Jock’ Davison, and not bring about a political crisis. Or, fearing which veteran IRA figure might be targeted next by former enemies within the Catholic community, they could strike back. They chose the latter, hence the crisis. McGuigan, a former IRA hitman, was shot dead in August in revenge for Davison’s killing. | Belfast republicans faced a stark choice this summer. They could grit their teeth and allow the Police Service of Northern Ireland to catch the killer of the ex-IRA commander, Gerard ‘Jock’ Davison, and not bring about a political crisis. Or, fearing which veteran IRA figure might be targeted next by former enemies within the Catholic community, they could strike back. They chose the latter, hence the crisis. McGuigan, a former IRA hitman, was shot dead in August in revenge for Davison’s killing. |
What happens over the next 24 hours? | What happens over the next 24 hours? |
Related: DUP will quit Stormont if assembly is not suspended, first minister warns | Related: DUP will quit Stormont if assembly is not suspended, first minister warns |
The largest unionist party, the Democratic Unionist party (DUP), has hardened its position in response to grassroots loyalist discontent over remaining in government with Sinn Féin. It wants business suspended at Stormont, otherwise it will walk out of government triggering its collapse. The nationalist Social Democratic and Labour party (SDLP) is highly unlikely to support such a move and the result will be no devolved government in Belfast for the foreseeable future. | The largest unionist party, the Democratic Unionist party (DUP), has hardened its position in response to grassroots loyalist discontent over remaining in government with Sinn Féin. It wants business suspended at Stormont, otherwise it will walk out of government triggering its collapse. The nationalist Social Democratic and Labour party (SDLP) is highly unlikely to support such a move and the result will be no devolved government in Belfast for the foreseeable future. |
Is there any space in which to solve the crisis? | Is there any space in which to solve the crisis? |
The emergency talks, separate to debates and committee business inside the Stormont parliament, could continue. Chaired by the British and Irish governments, these discussions might find mechanisms that will rebuild unionist faith in the process. The problem is unionists only want to discuss the issue of the IRA’s alleged continued existence. | The emergency talks, separate to debates and committee business inside the Stormont parliament, could continue. Chaired by the British and Irish governments, these discussions might find mechanisms that will rebuild unionist faith in the process. The problem is unionists only want to discuss the issue of the IRA’s alleged continued existence. |
If devolution and power sharing crashes, will this result in a return to Troubles-style conflict? | If devolution and power sharing crashes, will this result in a return to Troubles-style conflict? |
No. The vast majority of people in both communities are totally opposed to any return to full-scale violence and that includes Sinn Féin’s electorate. The party knows the IRA cannot be brought back as a full-time fighting force taking on the state because, among other things, this would be disastrous to Sinn Féin’s electoral prospects in the Irish Republic. | No. The vast majority of people in both communities are totally opposed to any return to full-scale violence and that includes Sinn Féin’s electorate. The party knows the IRA cannot be brought back as a full-time fighting force taking on the state because, among other things, this would be disastrous to Sinn Féin’s electoral prospects in the Irish Republic. |
How will the anti-ceasefire, dissident republicans react to these developments? | How will the anti-ceasefire, dissident republicans react to these developments? |
With glee. Their political spokespersons will claim the collapse proves the project of working for a united Ireland within the confines of the Northern Ireland state cannot deliver that republican goal. | With glee. Their political spokespersons will claim the collapse proves the project of working for a united Ireland within the confines of the Northern Ireland state cannot deliver that republican goal. |
What will happen if direct rule has to be reimposed from London? | What will happen if direct rule has to be reimposed from London? |
All the Ulster parties – unionists, nationalists, republicans, and neither – are enthusiastic supporters of controlling their own destiny in terms of the devolved institutions. But if London takes over again, the Conservative government will impose a radical welfare shakeup and cuts to Northern Ireland’s huge public sector. This would prove deeply unpopular, particularly among Sinn Féin’s support base. | All the Ulster parties – unionists, nationalists, republicans, and neither – are enthusiastic supporters of controlling their own destiny in terms of the devolved institutions. But if London takes over again, the Conservative government will impose a radical welfare shakeup and cuts to Northern Ireland’s huge public sector. This would prove deeply unpopular, particularly among Sinn Féin’s support base. |
Peter Robinson, the first minister and DUP leader, warns it could take a decade to rebuild devolution and power sharing. Is he right? | Peter Robinson, the first minister and DUP leader, warns it could take a decade to rebuild devolution and power sharing. Is he right? |
He may be, as it took almost 10 years – from the signing of the Good Friday agreement in 1998 until 2007 – for a real, all-embracing, stable power-sharing government to be established. | He may be, as it took almost 10 years – from the signing of the Good Friday agreement in 1998 until 2007 – for a real, all-embracing, stable power-sharing government to be established. |