Ilya Yashin: the Kremlin opponent seeking a foothold in a small town
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Version 0 of 1. Ilya Yashin is a foreign spy seeking to return Crimea to Ukraine and “submit Russia to the monopoly of the United States”. That, at least, was the message of flyers handed out to potential voters as opposition politician Yashin attempted to make a campaign speech in the sleepy city of Kostroma, 250 miles north-east of Moscow. Sabotage from activists claiming to be from a party called Patriots of Russia is just one of the obstacles facing Yashin, 32, as he attempts to win a tiny foothold for the liberal opposition in regional elections on Sunday. When Boris Nemtsov, one of Russia’s most prominent opposition leaders, was gunned down outside the Kremlin in February, his long-time associate Yashin and other liberal politicians decided to join ranks to form a party called the Democratic Coalition and fight regional elections seriously. Related: Alexei Navalny: Russian opposition is not deterred by Boris Nemtsov murder But pressure from authorities and rising anti-western sentiment that has seen the opposition frequently labelled traitors means the going has not been easy. Initially, the opposition chose four regions to fight, but were denied registration in three of them. Kostroma, with its onion-domed churches and long river embankment on the Volga, is now their only hope. To get into the regional parliament, Yashin and his running mates need 10% of votes cast – but even that is not easy in a year when president Vladimir Putin’s approval rating has neared 90%. In Kostroma in the days before the election, workers were repaving the sidewalks and installing railings along Soviet Street in the spotless city centre. But moving away from the city centre, the potholes multiply and the buildings grow more derelict. Although two large linen mills and a car parts factory continue to operate in the capital, the region remains one of Russia’s poorest, with an average monthly salary of only £200. People here are not used to any politician coming to talk to them, let alone one who is not from any of the Kremlin-loyal parliamentary parties. But Yashin and company do their best to resonate with the handful of residents who turn up to each rally, stressing the two biggest local concerns – bad roads and recent rises in utility rates – as well as pervasive corruption. “They tell us that the authorities have 86% support, loyalty to Putin is total, [governing party] United Russia enjoys colossal popularity, and the opposition is a bunch of outcasts that can only exist within [downtown Moscow] on Twitter and Facebook and don’t know how to communicate with the people,” Yashin told the Guardian after a campaign stop. “We’re refuting this propaganda.” Opposition leader Alexei Navalny won 27% of the vote in Moscow’s 2013 mayoral election but was subsequently put on trial and made to see his brother jailed. He said that Putin may have high ratings, but this does not extend to the “petty regional criminals” who represent him. “Despite all their propaganda, in any major city there are 30% of people who would be willing to vote for us,” said Navalny, whose brother was transferred to solitary confinement during the election campaign. Many viewed the case as revenge for Navalny’s political activities and potential leverage. “Previously, nobody in Russia cared at all about local elections,” he said. “This is our way of showing the authorities that they can’t just win through inertia and that we intend to take elections seriously.” But in a July survey by the independent Levada Centre thinktank, only 8% of Russians said they would be willing to join a political protest if one happened in their town. A protest rally organised by one of Navalny’s associates in Novosibirsk, a city of 1.5 million, drew just a few hundred people last month. While there is growing concern about the economic situation, most opposition to the government is still very passive. Added to this are the extra problems put in the way of the opposition. Just days before the election, state television broadcast the documentary film Pathology of a Protest, the latest in a series of smear pieces on the opposition. Hecklers dog the Democratic Coalition activists at their events, even occasionally attacking them. Activists from the so-called Party of Free Citizens have followed Navalny on the campaign trial since he began stumping for opposition candidates in Kaluga and Novosibirsk in June, calling him a “foreign agent” and asking him about alleged ties to the US State Department. A wave of street protests in 2011 and 2012 suffered crackdowns by the authorities and, since then, there has been a debate in the Kremlin over whether to allow the opposition to stand or marginalise them. According to analyst Alexei Mukhin, the Democratic Coalition’s biggest problem is not a smear campaign but an inability to appeal to voters in the regions. The Kremlin’s motivation in allowing the opposition activists to run in Kostroma, he said, was to “let them do all they can and get very small result”. Related: Let Putin be your fitness inspiration hero “Gathering signatures [to register] was hard for them, but that doesn’t mean that someone was obstructing them: it just means that, in the provinces, people are afraid of such aggressive candidates,” Mukhin said. “It’s a fact that in the provinces they love Putin and, if someone criticises Putin, that causes bewilderment and then indignation.” While Yashin could draw a few supporters to every campaign stop, most Kostroma residents seemed indifferent to the newfound political struggle in their region. “We’ll vote for United Russia; we’ll vote for our [acting governor Sergei] Sitnikov,” said street cleaner Irina Butenina as she swept up rubbish and leaves. “They’ve done a lot for us. They’re building the new bridge and kindergartens, and medical equipment is being bought.” Car parts salesman Mikhail said although he had always voted for United Russia, the party led by prime minister Dmitry Medvedev, he might try a different party this time, but not the Democratic Coalition. “This party is untested,” he said as he fished along the Volga. “I haven’t heard of it anywhere.” |