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With Jeremy Corbyn Elected as New Leader, Britain’s Labour Party Takes a Hard Left Turn With Jeremy Corbyn Elected as New Leader, Britain’s Labour Party Takes a Hard Left Turn
(about 4 hours later)
LONDON - Britain’s opposition Labour Party on Saturday took a remarkable leftward turn, electing as its leader Jeremy Corbyn, a longtime socialist committed to nationalizing key industries, scrapping Britain’s nuclear missile system and reversing the centrist policies of previous leaders such as Tony Blair. LONDON After three decades as a political outsider and clarion of the left, Jeremy Corbyn on Saturday won the leadership of Britain’s opposition Labour Party with an emphatic victory and a program that includes expanding the economy, scrapping nuclear missiles, and unpicking the centrist policies of his predecessors, including Tony Blair.
The result of the contest, announced on Saturday morning in London, gave stewardship of the Labour party to the hard left for the first time in more than three decades, a development seen here as one of the most surprising upsets in modern British politics. Mr. Corbyn, 66, won the Labour leadership overwhelmingly and with the backing of thousands of newly recruited supporters, and in doing so delivered one of the biggest upsets in modern British politics.
As Europe continues to feel the aftershocks of the financial crisis of 2008, voters have been increasingly attracted to the political extremes, with support growing both for socialist parties on the left and nationalist ones on the right. The Labour leadership result could now shift the main opposition party in Britain closer to the types of positions taken by other leftist parties that have become prominent across Europe, including Syriza in Greece and Podemos in Spain. His success underlines the extent to which European political structures have been destabilized by the aftershocks of the financial crisis in 2008, with voters increasingly attracted away from the political center ground, either to the socialist left or the nationalist right.
Mr. Corbyn, 66, has been a lawmaker for more than three decades but never served in government, preferring to campaign, often for unfashionable causes, and frequently rebelling against the party line. However, Mr. Corbyn’s program, which includes nationalizing energy and rail companies, has shallow support among fellow Labour lawmakers, a fact that suggests he may struggle to unite his party. Several senior party figures, including Emma Reynolds and Tristram Hunt, have already announced that they would not be serving in Mr. Corbyn’s team, though another, Hilary Benn, promised to support him.
He only made it into the contest at the last minute, gaining the 35 nominations he needed from fellow lawmakers, thanks to the support of some colleagues who did not support him but thought he should take part. On Saturday there were jubilant scenes after the release of results showing that Mr. Corbyn had won almost 60 percent of the vote, crushing his three opponents, Yvette Cooper, Andy Burnham and Liz Kendall.
Yet his program, which includes nationalizing energy and rail companies, printing money to boost the economy and scrapping Britain’s Trident nuclear missile system, has struck a chord with many activists and new, often young supporters. “We don’t have to be unequal, it doesn’t have to be unfair, poverty isn’t inevitable.” Mr. Corbyn told a cheering audience in a short acceptance speech.
Crucially, he took advantage of a rule change that allowed candidates to recruit sympathizers who, for a small fee, could sign up as registered supporters of the Labour Party and gain a vote in the contest. “Things can change and they will change,” he added, decrying “grotesque” levels of inequality, and blaming the migration crisis currently sweeping Europe on the bitter legacy of going to war. One of his first acts, Mr. Corbyn said, would be to attend a demonstration in London to highlight the plight of refugees.
Much like Senator Bernie Sanders, the Vermont independent who has ignited liberal passions in the race for the Democratic presidential nomination in the United States, Mr. Corbyn is promising radical approaches to longstanding problems. Mr. Corbyn’s perceived integrity and his willingness to speak his mind have struck a chord in a party in which many supporters were left disillusioned by the leadership of Mr. Blair, whose decision to join George W. Bush in invading Iraq poisoned his legacy. Yet Mr. Blair is one of only a handful of Labour leaders who has ever won a general election, and Mr. Corbyn’s critics fear he will turn the Labour Party into a protest movement, rather than a realistic alternative to the Conservative government of Prime Minister David Cameron.
As Labour leader, Mr. Corbyn will be some way from power, but his views could influence policy, particularly on foreign affairs. Mr. Cameron, for example, wants to know the position of the new Labour leader before asking Parliament to authorize military strikes in Syria. Two years ago, Mr. Cameron lost a vote on the issue, and Mr. Corbyn was a staunch opponent. “I’m learning how to grit my teeth and bite my tongue,” said one Labour lawmaker, who asked not to be named to avoid alienating Mr. Corbyn, speaking outside the conference center where the results were made public.
Then there is a looming referendum on whether Britain should stay in the European Union, due by the end of 2017, in which Labour’s role will be important. Though Mr. Corbyn has not said he wants Britain to leave the bloc, he has said he voted against British membership of the bloc’s forerunner in a plebiscite in 1975. How long Mr. Corbyn’s critics stay quiet remains to be seen. His parliamentary record as a serial rebel who frequently defied the party line will also make it hard for him to appeal for loyalty.
And in Washington there may be unease over the main British opposition party’s being led by a fierce critic of American foreign policy one who, without endorsing their actions, has described Hamas and Hezbollah as “friends.” Yet the scale of his eventual win may give Mr. Corbyn some time to establish his leadership. In fact Mr. Corbyn, a vegetarian and teetotaler, had to be persuaded to run as the left’s leadership candidate, and he nearly failed to make the ballot paper.
Hardly anyone contemplated such an outcome after the party’s previous leader, Ed Miliband, led Labour to defeat in May’s general election, on a platform already seen as being to the left of Mr. Blair. After that electoral rebuff, most expected the right of the party to reclaim the leadership. Instead the Blairites tried frantically to derail Mr. Corbyn, a vegetarian teetotaler based in North London who made a career of rebelling against the party line and until now had little public profile outside of party activists. To stand, Mr. Corbyn needed 35 nominations from Labour lawmakers, and he scraped enough together only when several of those who did not support him decided he ought to be on the ballot to broaden the debate within the party.
Steven Fielding, professor of political history at Nottingham University, said Mr. Corbyn’s rise had “taken everyone by surprise,” yet even opponents concede that his campaign has energized a cohort of enthusiastic, and often young, supporters. Mr. Corbyn’s victory was then helped by a rule change under which, for just three British pounds, about $4.60, anyone could become a “registered supporter” and take part in the vote. The party, which had around 187,000 members before the May general election, has gained more than 105,000 since, plus an additional 112,000 “registered supporters.” When those affiliated with the party, mainly through unions, are added, more than half a million people had the right to vote, and more than 420,000 ultimately took part.
Such people, Mr. Corbyn said at a rally in London this week, had been “written off as being a nonpolitical generation, when in reality they were a political generation that politics had written off.” On Saturday, political opponents moved quickly to condemn Labour’s leftward shift. Michael Fallon, the defense secretary, described the opposition party as “a serious risk to our nation’s security, our economy’s security and your family’s security.”
Although Britain’s economy is growing fast, Mr. Corbyn’s message has struck a chord with workers and families still feeling the aftershocks of Europe’s financial crisis of 2008. “Whether it’s weakening our defenses, raising taxes on jobs and earnings, racking up more debt and welfare or driving up the cost of living by printing money Jeremy Corbyn’s Labour Party will hurt working people,” he said in a statement.
For many, prospects remain poor, wages low and employment insecure. Soaring housing prices in the south have left many locked out of the real estate market. Bankers remain the target of simmering resentment. More worrying for Mr. Corbyn will be internal critics, however. Steven Fielding, professor of political history at Nottingham University, said that the emphatic nature of Mr. Corbyn’s victory made it likely that his opponents would keep quiet for some months, and hope for him to trip up.
Still, chance played a big part in Mr. Corbyn’s rise, not least because he had to be persuaded to run as the left’s leadership candidate, a position traditionally akin to that of a sacrificial lamb. “I think there will be some kind of cease-fire, and that they will see how it goes, assuming that in six to twelve months, Labour’s opinion poll position will start to fall, and then they can start acting more assertively,” Mr. Fielding said.
To stand, Mr. Corbyn needed 35 nominations from Labour lawmakers, and he scraped enough together only when several of those who did not support him decided he ought to be on the ballot to broaden the debate within the party. But, once there, he exploited a change of rules for the election of Labour leader, which had been devised to bolster the power of individual party members and curtail the influence of trade unions. Doing so more quickly might risk the wrath of the party supporters, many of whom have been energized by Mr. Corbyn’s campaign, Mr. Fielding added.
For just three British pounds, about $4.60, anyone can become a “registered supporter” and take part in what has become something like an American-style primary. The party, which had around 187,000 members before the May general election, has gained more than 105,000 since, plus an additional 112,000 “registered supporters.” When those affiliated to the party, mainly through unions, are added, more than half a million people have a vote. The voting has been underway for several weeks. On Saturday they thronged the conference center where the results were announced, some cheering or chanting.
This system is now engulfed in controversy amid claims of organized efforts by hard-left supporters to register Corbyn voters and allegations that Conservative supporters have signed up to vote for Mr. Corbyn, calculating that this will sabotage Labour’s chances in the next election. Having won a five-year term in May, Mr. Cameron does not have to call another election until 2020. Among those supporting the new leader was Sean Maher, a telecoms executive from London, who said he had lost interest in the party during the 1990s because of the policies pursued by Mr. Blair, whom he likened to a Conservative.
Perhaps most of all, Mr. Corbyn’s success reflects Labour’s internal failure to confront the toxic legacy of the war in Iraq, which Mr. Blair joined President George W. Bush in starting, and of the economic policies that many link to the financial crash. “What’s the point of winning elections by being Conservative?” he said. By contrast, Mr. Corbyn, “offers a great deal of hope, and it has been a long time coming.”
Mr. Corbyn’s opponents — Yvette Cooper, Andy Burnham and Liz Kendall — were all associated to varying degrees with a Mr. Blair’s centrist vision, yet none seem to have the charisma he possessed in 1994 when he won the party leadership.
After a televised debate among the current four contenders, the Daily Telegraph commentator Dan Hodges declared Ms. Cooper the best performer, but lampooned her tendency to lapse into the type of robotic politician-style of speaking that has repelled many voters.
“Each position she adopts,” Mr. Hodges wrote, “is carefully calculated to place herself in a position of perfect equilibrium between two other competing positions. ‘Tea or coffee, Yvette?’ ‘Well, I love tea. But I think it would be a serious mistake to ignore the importance of coffee.’ ”
Mr. Fielding sees Mr. Corbyn’s success as a “sign of alienation from the system as it exists,” adding that his three opponents are viewed by many within the party as “Tory-lite,” a reference to Mr. Cameron’s Conservatives.
The view among many supporters, Mr. Fielding added, was that “voting for Jeremy Corbyn might not work, but at least it is something that we believe in — and maybe it will work.”
That chimes with the experience of the former Labour minister Chris Mullin, when he explained his reservations about Mr. Corbyn to party supporters.
“Gently I pointed out,” Mr. Mullin wrote in The Guardian, “that a party led by Corbyn, saintly and decent man that he is, was likely to be unelectable. Which only met with the riposte that since the other three candidates appear to be unelectable too, why not go for the real thing?”
Yet the real thing would take Labour further to the left than at any time since 1983, which history suggests would be a high risk.
In that year, Mr. Corbyn and Mr. Blair entered Parliament, but Labour went down to a crushing defeat, and its manifesto was called “the longest suicide note in history.”