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What impact will Jeremy Corbyn have on key issues facing the UK? What will Jeremy Corbyn's impact be on key issues the UK faces?
(about 4 hours later)
Foreign policy and defenceForeign policy and defence
It is hard to think of another Labour leader – or any British political leader – who has been as passionate about foreign affairs as Jeremy Corbyn.It is hard to think of another Labour leader – or any British political leader – who has been as passionate about foreign affairs as Jeremy Corbyn.
Predecessors such as Tony Blair took a keen interest after becoming prime minister, but Corbyn, in his three decades as a backbencher, has pursued international issues from Palestine to Venezuela, shaping a world view diametrically opposed to the Conservatives. Predecessors such as Tony Blair took a keen interest after becoming prime minister, but Corbyn, in his three decades as a backbencher, has pursued international issues from Palestine to Venezuela, shaping a worldview diametrically opposed to the Conservatives.
Corbyn, at his campaign rallies, often prefaced his policy positions by saying they were up for debate, not only in the shadow cabinet and parliamentary Labour party but also the party at large. At his campaign rallies, Corbyn often prefaced his policy positions by saying they were up for debate, not only in the shadow cabinet and parliamentary Labour party but also the party at large.
But it is hard to see a Labour party led by Corbyn do anything other than vote next year against the renewal of the estimated £80bn Trident nuclear programme, reversing existing party policy. With the SNP also voting against, the outcome will be tighter than if one of Corbyn’s rivals had been elected. It is hard, however, to see Labour under his leadership doing anything other than voting against the renewal of the £80bn Trident nuclear programme, reversing existing party policy. With the SNP also voting against, the outcome will be tighter than if one of Corbyn’s rivals had been elected.
One of the first big foreign policy tests in the Commons will be in the government’s planned vote in favour of RAF airstrikes in Syria. Again, it is hard to envisage a Corbyn-led Labour party doing anything other than voting against, given he has repeatedly said bombing will not help resolve the crisis. One of the first big foreign policy tests in the Commons will be the government’s planned vote on RAF airstrikes in Syria. Again, it is hard to envisage Corbyn’s Labour doing anything other than voting against, given he has repeatedly said bombing will not help resolve the crisis.
There is more scope for debate on Labour’s position on membership of both the EU and Nato, with Corbyn initially sounding sceptical about both but adopting a more nuanced position over the course of the leadership campaign. Labour going into the EU referendum half-heartedly would increase the chances of an exit. There is more scope for debate on Labour’s position on membership of both the EU and Nato, with Corbyn initially sounding sceptical about both but adopting a more nuanced position over the course of the leadership campaign. If Labour were to go into the EU referendum half-heartedly, it would increase the chances of an exit.
It will be intriguing to see how Corbyn is received should he visit Washington as Labour leader. Ronald Reagan, opposed to Labour’s then unilateral nuclear disarmament policy, tried to humiliate Neil Kinnock on a visit to the White House in 1987. It might be best for Corbyn to make an early trip while Barack Obama is still president. Ewen MacAskill, defence and intelligence correspondent It will be intriguing to see how Corbyn is received should he visit Washington. Ronald Reagan, who was opposed to Labour’s then unilateral nuclear disarmament policy, tried to humiliate Neil Kinnock on a visit to the White House in 1987. It might be best for Corbyn to make an early trip while Barack Obama is still president. Ewen MacAskill, defence and intelligence correspondent
ScotlandScotland
Corbyn will face his first electoral challenge in Scotland, helping his party try to avoid another humiliating rout at the hands of the Scottish National party in next May’s Holyrood elections. Nicola Sturgeon’s nationalists are currently at 60% in opinion polls.Corbyn will face his first electoral challenge in Scotland, helping his party try to avoid another humiliating rout at the hands of the Scottish National party in next May’s Holyrood elections. Nicola Sturgeon’s nationalists are currently at 60% in opinion polls.
In a hard-fought battle for Scotland’s centre-left vote, Corbyn’s supporters believe he will re-energise Labour’s disillusioned and fragile support, particularly in urban central Scotland. There is anecdotal evidence he is re-engaging ex-Labour voters who voted yes in last year’s independence referendum. In a hard-fought battle for Scotland’s centre-left vote, Corbyn’s supporters believe he will re-energise Labour’s disillusioned and fragile support, particularly in urban central Scotland. There is anecdotal evidence that he is re-engaging former Labour voters who voted yes in last year’s independence referendum.
His allies laud his authenticity, grassroots appeal and integrity, against an SNP they say “talks left but acts right”. He can match the SNP on abandoning Britain’s nuclear deterrent, outbid the SNP on opposing austerity and press harder on public ownership of industry. His allies laud his authenticity, grassroots appeal and integrity, against an SNP they say “talks left but acts right”. He can match the SNP on abandoning Britain’s nuclear deterrent, outbid it on opposing austerity and press harder on public ownership of industry.
But he knows little of Scottish politics. He has implied he is uncomfortable with greater tax devolution. And the SNP’s greatest strength is likely to be Corbyn’s greatest challenge: it is remarkably disciplined and has 56 energetic MPs, while Labour faces months of infighting that could quickly undermine Corbyn’s wider popularity and Labour’s effectiveness at Westminster. He knows little, however, of Scottish politics. He has implied he is uncomfortable with greater tax devolution, and the SNP’s greatest strength is likely to be Corbyn’s greatest challenge. It is remarkably disciplined and has 56 energetic MPs, while Labour faces months of infighting that could quickly undermine Corbyn’s wider popularity and Labour’s effectiveness at Westminster.
If Labour bombs under Corbyn, Sturgeon made clear she will press the case that independence is the only viable alternative for Scotland. If Labour does poorly under Corbyn, Sturgeon has made clear she would press the case that independence is the only viable alternative for Scotland.
Corbyn will soon discover Labour faces battles for survival on two fronts – Holyrood and Westminster – and has promised to prioritise Scotland in the coming weeks. He will need unity, seamless collaboration with Kezia Dugdale, the Scottish Labour leader who backed his rival Yvette Cooper, and some Commons performances that prove he can outflank the SNP. Severin Carrell, Scotland editor Corbyn will soon discover that Labour faces battles for survival on two fronts, Holyrood and Westminster, and he has promised to prioritise Scotland in the coming weeks. He will need unity, seamless collaboration with Kezia Dugdale, the Scottish Labour leader who backed his rival Yvette Cooper, and some Commons performances that prove he can outflank the SNP. Severin Carrell, Scotland editor
EuropeEurope
The Corbyn landslide means that Britain’s two big parties are led by eurosceptics fated to campaign to keep the UK in the EU. David Cameron does not have a good word to say about the EU. He is going to have to change that tune soon if he is to succeed in leading the campaign to stay in the EU in the referendum. The Corbyn landslide means that Britain’s two big parties are led by Eurosceptics fated to campaign to keep the UK in the EU. David Cameron does not have a good word to say about the EU. He is going to have to change that tune soon, if he is to succeed in leading the campaign to stay in the EU come the referendum.
Corbyn, who voted to take Britain out the last time the question was asked in 1975, will also perhaps have to choke on his beliefs if Labour, until now a given, is to campaign for continued membership. Corbyn, who voted to take Britain out the last time the question was asked in 1975, will also perhaps have to choke on his beliefs if Labour is to maintain its plan to campaign for continued membership.
The things that Corbyn likes most about the EU are the things Cameron would like to get rid of – workers’ rights, benefits, anything that falls under the rubric of “social Europe”, the chapter of legislation that Blair took Britain back into after John Major secured exemptions. The things that Corbyn likes most about the EU are the things Cameron would like to get rid of – workers’ rights, benefits, anything that falls under the rubric of “social Europe”, the chapter of legislation that Tony Blair took Britain back into after John Major secured exemptions.
Corbyn’s attitude will presumably hinge on the results of Cameron’s renegotiation, the contours of which should be clearer by Christmas.Corbyn’s attitude will presumably hinge on the results of Cameron’s renegotiation, the contours of which should be clearer by Christmas.
Before becoming prime minister, Cameron famously demonstrated his Eurosceptic credentials and antagonised Angela Merkel by taking the Tories out of the European People’s party, the pan-EU grouping of the mainstream centre-right.Before becoming prime minister, Cameron famously demonstrated his Eurosceptic credentials and antagonised Angela Merkel by taking the Tories out of the European People’s party, the pan-EU grouping of the mainstream centre-right.
Will Corbyn follow suit with the European social democrats, dominated by the German SPD and France’s Socialists? Probably not. But his known views coincide less with theirs than with the radical left in the European parliament grouped around Greece’s Syriza, Spain’s Podemos, and Germany’s Die Linke. Ian Traynor, Europe editorWill Corbyn follow suit with the European social democrats, dominated by the German SPD and France’s Socialists? Probably not. But his known views coincide less with theirs than with the radical left in the European parliament grouped around Greece’s Syriza, Spain’s Podemos, and Germany’s Die Linke. Ian Traynor, Europe editor
Northern IrelandNorthern Ireland
On the edge of power, Blair radically altered Labour’s policy on Northern Ireland. Until New Labour the party line was support for a united Ireland, albeit in opposition to the IRA’s violent campaign. Blair switched that position to one of neutrality to bring the unionist community on board. Labour would no longer be the ally of just one side, ie northern nationalists. On Blair’s invite, David Trimble became the first unionist leader to attend a Labour conference (1996) and later embraced the Good Friday agreement. Blair radically altered Labour’s policy on Northern Ireland. Until New Labour, the party line was to support for united Ireland, albeit in opposition to the IRA’s violent campaign. Blair switched that position to one of neutrality in order to bring the unionist community on board. Labour would no longer be the ally of just one side, the northern nationalists. On Blair’s invite, David Trimble became the first unionist leader to attend a Labour conference i n 1996 and later embraced the Good Friday agreement.
Corbyn took an altogether different view on Ireland. He supported pulling British troops out of Ulster, he met with Sinn Féin during the IRA “armed struggle”, even inviting republicans to Westminster shortly after the bombing of the Tory party conference in Brighton in 1984. Corbyn took an altogether different view. He supported pulling British troops out of Ulster, met Sinn Féin during the IRA’s “armed struggle” and even invited republicans to Westminster shortly after the bombing of the Tory party conference in Brighton in 1984.
At the time he belonged to a tendency in the British left that regarded the IRA campaign as “legitimate”. Gerry Adams calls him a “good friend of Ireland”. In contrast, he is viewed with hostility and suspicion across the unionist section of Northern Irish society. Corbyn’s current shadow Northern Ireland minister, Ivan Lewis, is highly regarded on both sides of the divide. If the newly elected Labour leader wants to build bridges with unionists, he might at the very least need to persuade Lewis to stay in that post. Henry McDonald, Ireland correspondent At the time he belonged to a tendency on the British left that regarded the IRA campaign as legitimate. Gerry Adams calls him a “good friend of Ireland”. In contrast, he is viewed with hostility and suspicion across the unionist section of Northern Ireland.
That deep mistrust may be increased following the sacking of the shadow Northern Ireland secretary, Ivan Lewis, on Sunday. Lewis was well liked on both sides of the sectarian divide, and unionists saw him as a continuum of the policy of neutrality. If Corbyn appoints his replacement from Labour’s troops-out tendency then bi-partisanship is over. Henry McDonald, Ireland correspondent
Tax and the economy
Despite his threats to renationalise the railways, crack down on excessive executive pay and raise some corporate taxes, the reaction from the business community to Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership of the Labour party was calm.
Some business leaders have gone out of their way to praise parts of his agenda, born of frustration at perceived Conservative failures to kickstart new transport links, power stations and house construction.
“There is undoubtedly opportunity in his agenda around infrastructure and public spending to get Britain building, and we look forward to sitting around the table and discussing this further,” said Jeremy Blackburn, the head of policy at the Royal Institution of Chartered Surveyors.
“Firms will be encouraged by recent statements favouring much-needed investment in the UK’s inadequate infrastructure and skills. We will be looking for the opposition to take a pragmatic and practical approach to business,” said John Longworth, the director general of the British Chambers of Commerce.
There was concern at the Institute of Directors, however, which warned that renationalising the railways and raising taxes “would undermine our open and competitive economy”.
The FT, often the voice of the business community, ran headlines such as “Labour’s disastrous choice” and said Corbyn’s victory “tilts the balance towards Brexit”.
Many executives will wait to see how much of Corbyn’s rhetoric turns into Labour policies before making their opinions heard. The Bank of England, the big energy companies and media groups such as Rupert Murdoch’swill all be watching particularly closely, having heard Corbyn warn he wants either to reduce their independence, bring them under more “social” control or break them up. Terry Macalister