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Tony Abbott inscrutable on backbench as Turnbull tries to balance old and new Tony Abbott inscrutable on backbench as Turnbull tries to balance old and new
(about 17 hours later)
It was a Reinhold Niebuhr kind of a day in federal parliament. He was the theologian who wrote the prayer that graces a bazillion tea towels; “God grant me the serenity to accept the things I cannot change; courage to change the things I can; and wisdom to know the difference.” It was a Reinhold Niebuhr kind of a day in federal parliament. He was the theologian who wrote the prayer that graces a bazillion tea towels: “God grant me the serenity to accept the things I cannot change; courage to change the things I can; and wisdom to know the difference.”
It was all forced serenity on the backbench where Tony Abbott and Joe Hockey sat, side by side, Abbott’s first parliamentary appearance since his demise. For the most part their faces were resolutely inscrutable. Occasionally they resorted to studiously signing things when the questions apparently made equanimity just too difficult, like when Bill Shorten recited Malcolm Turnbull’s fulsome praise of Abbott on the weekend and asked if that was all true why it had been necessary to oust him. It was all forced serenity on the backbench where Tony Abbott and Joe Hockey sat, side by side, in Abbott’s first parliamentary appearance since his demise. For the most part their faces were resolutely inscrutable. Occasionally they resorted to studiously signing things when the questions apparently made equanimity just too difficult, such as when Bill Shorten recited Malcolm Turnbull’s fulsome praise of Abbott at the weekend and asked if that was all true why it had been necessary to oust him.
Meanwhile, at the despatch box, Turnbull continued to use his oratorical skills to cover the fact he is still deciding where to wisely draw the line between courageous change and accepting the policies of his predecessor that many in his his party think should stay as they are. Most of the manoeuvring in Canberra at the moment is designed to influence those decisions.Meanwhile, at the despatch box, Turnbull continued to use his oratorical skills to cover the fact he is still deciding where to wisely draw the line between courageous change and accepting the policies of his predecessor that many in his his party think should stay as they are. Most of the manoeuvring in Canberra at the moment is designed to influence those decisions.
In a couple of instances, the new prime minister has opted for clear differences – removing the ban on federal funding for public transport for example, or the way in which he talks about terrorism and radicalisation. In a couple of instances, the new prime minister has opted for clear differences: removing the ban on federal funding for public transport, for example, or the way in which he talks about terrorism and radicalisation.
In others he has stuck to existing policy, but sent small signals of intent, for example appointing someone with a long history in renewable energy to be the “wind commissioner” investigating complaints about the alleged health effects of turbines, or appointing new members of the climate change authority for five year terms – perhaps an indication the Coalition is now longer so keen to have it abolished. In others he has stuck to existing policy, but sent small signals of intent, for example appointing someone with a long history in renewable energy to be the “wind commissioner” investigating complaints about the alleged health effects of turbines, or appointing new members of the climate change authority for five-year terms – perhaps an indication the Coalition is longer so keen to have it abolished.
In some places Turnbull appears to be hastening slowly. The once urgent “lawfare” changes – removing the ability of environmental groups the former prime minister said were “sabotaging” mining projects using federal environment laws (or even delay them for a few weeks, which is all that had actually happened) are apparently no longer so pressing. The senate committee considering them is now not going to report until February next year. In some places Turnbull appears to be hastening slowly. The once urgent “lawfare” changes – removing the ability of environmental groups Abbott said were “sabotaging” mining projects using federal environment laws (or even delay them for a few weeks, which is all that had actually happened) are apparently no longer so pressing. The Senate committee considering them is now not going to report until February.
In others – for example, the long-term detention of asylum seekers – Turnbull is proclaiming no change will be countenanced, not daring to say a word that might “restart the boats”, but one of his closest supporters is insisting that it must.In others – for example, the long-term detention of asylum seekers – Turnbull is proclaiming no change will be countenanced, not daring to say a word that might “restart the boats”, but one of his closest supporters is insisting that it must.
And in a few places the line drawing is already openly disputed, for example with regard to who is responsible for water policy. The Nationals crowed about the concessions they’d won in the new Coalition agreement with Turnbull – particularly agriculture minister Barnaby Joyce getting responsibility for water – but Joyce is now issuing public warnings that he wants to oversee full day-to-day running of water issues and does not want them handed to his South Australian junior minister Anne Ruston. And in a few places the line drawing is already openly disputed, for example with regard to who is responsible for water policy. The Nationals crowed about the concessions they’d won in the new Coalition agreement with Turnbull – particularly the agriculture minister, Barnaby Joyce, getting responsibility for water – but Joyce is now issuing public warnings that he wants to oversee full day-to-day running of water issues and does not want them handed to his South Australian junior minister, Anne Ruston.
Problematically for some in the coalition, voters appear to be indicating they want the prime minister to err on the side of courage – giving Turnbull soaring approval ratings but reserving judgement on whether they will vote for his party, with the major parties now 50:50 in two party preferred terms according to the latest Newspoll. Problematically for some in the Coalition, voters appear to be indicating they want the prime minister to err on the side of courage, giving Turnbull soaring approval ratings but reserving judgment on whether they will vote for his party, with the major parties now 50:50 in two-party-preferred terms, the latest Newspoll showed.
And so the period of wary watching and waiting continues – Labor watching Turnbull to decide how to reposition, Abbott-supporters watching for changes they may decide to fight and voters watching and waiting for the changes they were hoping for from Turnbull in the first place. And so the period of wary watching and waiting continues – Labor watching Turnbull to decide how to reposition, Abbott supporters watching for changes they may decide to fight, and voters watching and waiting for the changes they were hoping for from Turnbull in the first place.