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| Is Responsible Ohio's mascot Buddie 'the Joe Camel of marijuana'? | Is Responsible Ohio's mascot Buddie 'the Joe Camel of marijuana'? |
| (about 1 hour later) | |
| Cannabis advocates have created a monster, and its name is Buddie. | Cannabis advocates have created a monster, and its name is Buddie. |
| The green cannabis bud with a cool smile, six-pack abs and a cape is for campaigners the walking advertisement for Responsible Ohio, an initiative on the November ballot to legalize pot in the state. | The green cannabis bud with a cool smile, six-pack abs and a cape is for campaigners the walking advertisement for Responsible Ohio, an initiative on the November ballot to legalize pot in the state. |
| But to many marijuana legalization advocates, Buddie represents an unsettling shift in power, out of the hands of the traditional policy movement and into those of green-eyed newcomers clamoring to be part of a burgeoning profitable industry. | But to many marijuana legalization advocates, Buddie represents an unsettling shift in power, out of the hands of the traditional policy movement and into those of green-eyed newcomers clamoring to be part of a burgeoning profitable industry. |
| On 3 November, Ohioans will vote in the first major legalization effort to be bankrolled entirely by investors with a direct financial stake in the outcome. The campaign will have spent $20m – by far the largest amount ever raised for a legalization initiative. And if voters approve the measure, the state constitution will read that all the cultivation in the state falls into the hands of those who put that money to the campaign. | On 3 November, Ohioans will vote in the first major legalization effort to be bankrolled entirely by investors with a direct financial stake in the outcome. The campaign will have spent $20m – by far the largest amount ever raised for a legalization initiative. And if voters approve the measure, the state constitution will read that all the cultivation in the state falls into the hands of those who put that money to the campaign. |
| Ohio is the only state with a pot legalization initiative on the ballot in 2015. Campaigns in several other states, and a dueling campaign in Ohio, are waiting for 2016 when, the traditional wisdom goes, the presidential campaign will ensure greater turn-out and thus a higher chance of success. | Ohio is the only state with a pot legalization initiative on the ballot in 2015. Campaigns in several other states, and a dueling campaign in Ohio, are waiting for 2016 when, the traditional wisdom goes, the presidential campaign will ensure greater turn-out and thus a higher chance of success. |
| Still, an October Quinnipiac poll found state support for “personal use” of recreational marijuana at 53%. If Ohio’s initiative were to pass, it would mark a new mainstreaming of marijuana legalization; Ohio’s purple politics veer toward the socially conservative. | Still, an October Quinnipiac poll found state support for “personal use” of recreational marijuana at 53%. If Ohio’s initiative were to pass, it would mark a new mainstreaming of marijuana legalization; Ohio’s purple politics veer toward the socially conservative. |
| The initiative is also perhaps the strongest mark yet of marijuana as Big Business with a capital B. | The initiative is also perhaps the strongest mark yet of marijuana as Big Business with a capital B. |
| A marijuana ‘monopoly’? | A marijuana ‘monopoly’? |
| Buddie premiered at college campuses on the Green Rush Bus Tour. The gender-neutral mascot for Responsible Ohio is geared at millennials, or the “selfie generation”, who would want their photos taken with Buddie and in the process get signed up to vote. This is a calculated move: the October Quinnipiac poll found that support for legalization in the state among 18-34-year-olds is 70%. Still, the majority of the youth on college campuses are underage for the allowances of the initiative. | Buddie premiered at college campuses on the Green Rush Bus Tour. The gender-neutral mascot for Responsible Ohio is geared at millennials, or the “selfie generation”, who would want their photos taken with Buddie and in the process get signed up to vote. This is a calculated move: the October Quinnipiac poll found that support for legalization in the state among 18-34-year-olds is 70%. Still, the majority of the youth on college campuses are underage for the allowances of the initiative. |
| Stephen Colbert took Buddie national when he joked on The Late Show: “Even if legalization looks likely, the pro-marijuana lobby isn’t resting on their dank, sticky laurels. They’re bringing out the big guns to appeal to the youth vote.” Upset advocates developed a hashtag in response, #nomarijuanamascots, along with a Change.org petition warning of tactics akin to those of the tobacco industry. | Stephen Colbert took Buddie national when he joked on The Late Show: “Even if legalization looks likely, the pro-marijuana lobby isn’t resting on their dank, sticky laurels. They’re bringing out the big guns to appeal to the youth vote.” Upset advocates developed a hashtag in response, #nomarijuanamascots, along with a Change.org petition warning of tactics akin to those of the tobacco industry. |
| “This mascot flies in the face of everything longtime marijuana legalization activists are fighting for: a responsible industry that improves communities and takes its pledge not to market to children seriously,” advocates wrote. “If we don’t act, Buddie may become the Joe Camel of marijuana: a prime example of irresponsibility that opponents can point to, potentially stalling reform or even reversing the trend toward legalization.” | “This mascot flies in the face of everything longtime marijuana legalization activists are fighting for: a responsible industry that improves communities and takes its pledge not to market to children seriously,” advocates wrote. “If we don’t act, Buddie may become the Joe Camel of marijuana: a prime example of irresponsibility that opponents can point to, potentially stalling reform or even reversing the trend toward legalization.” |
| Ian James, who conceived the campaign, has no regrets about Buddie. He’s not doing things the way other pot advocates have done them. | Ian James, who conceived the campaign, has no regrets about Buddie. He’s not doing things the way other pot advocates have done them. |
| Responsible Ohio is not as buttoned-up in its messaging as past campaigns that avoided leaf imagery and cannabis culture references in favor of talking points about the social and economic benefits of legalization. Among the informational materials on the campaign’s blog is “Top 5 Places to Get Stoned in Ohio”. (One place was Bong Hill. They wrote: “We’ve also heard taking a bong up there could be pretty fun. Given the name and all...”) | Responsible Ohio is not as buttoned-up in its messaging as past campaigns that avoided leaf imagery and cannabis culture references in favor of talking points about the social and economic benefits of legalization. Among the informational materials on the campaign’s blog is “Top 5 Places to Get Stoned in Ohio”. (One place was Bong Hill. They wrote: “We’ve also heard taking a bong up there could be pretty fun. Given the name and all...”) |
| With few exceptions, previous cannabis law reform efforts have been driven by longtime advocacy organizations. Just about every effort to legalize cannabis for medical or social use in the US can be traced back to two groups and a few big funders: the Drug Policy Alliance – George Soros is their biggest backer, providing roughly one-third of their general operations budget – and the Marijuana Policy Project, primarily backed by the late Peter Lewis from around 2002 until 2010. Whether by ballot box or legislative lobbying, these groups and their backers have for nearly 20 years sought to eliminate cannabis prohibition in favor of regulation, first for patients and then for adult consumers. | With few exceptions, previous cannabis law reform efforts have been driven by longtime advocacy organizations. Just about every effort to legalize cannabis for medical or social use in the US can be traced back to two groups and a few big funders: the Drug Policy Alliance – George Soros is their biggest backer, providing roughly one-third of their general operations budget – and the Marijuana Policy Project, primarily backed by the late Peter Lewis from around 2002 until 2010. Whether by ballot box or legislative lobbying, these groups and their backers have for nearly 20 years sought to eliminate cannabis prohibition in favor of regulation, first for patients and then for adult consumers. |
| James, by contrast, comes from a background of running other sorts of ballot initiatives, from slot machines at racetracks to marriage equality; this isn’t the first time he has campaigned for a state constitutional amendment that puts business into select hands (he did the same for casinos in 2009). His Responsible Ohio team includes a variety of big-hitters, including the national field director for Obama’s 2012 campaign, the battleground states director for the same campaign, and the former COO of the Ohio senate Republican caucus. | James, by contrast, comes from a background of running other sorts of ballot initiatives, from slot machines at racetracks to marriage equality; this isn’t the first time he has campaigned for a state constitutional amendment that puts business into select hands (he did the same for casinos in 2009). His Responsible Ohio team includes a variety of big-hitters, including the national field director for Obama’s 2012 campaign, the battleground states director for the same campaign, and the former COO of the Ohio senate Republican caucus. |
| James’ 50-page Ohio Marijuana Prospectus asks for $20m to fund the campaign, and hints at how backers would ultimately be rewarded: “We seek to position the Principal Funders of this effort at the front end of a new market opportunity in the state that is known as ‘America’s Test Market’.” | James’ 50-page Ohio Marijuana Prospectus asks for $20m to fund the campaign, and hints at how backers would ultimately be rewarded: “We seek to position the Principal Funders of this effort at the front end of a new market opportunity in the state that is known as ‘America’s Test Market’.” |
| James told the Center for Public Integrity that his firm will be paid roughly $5.6m of campaign funds for his orchestration of legalization in the state, and upon the initiative’s passage he will consult cannabis businesses. His approach to others’ reproach has been to point to the American way and brush it off. “The honest and most easy response is: I am going to profit from this,” he told the Center. | James told the Center for Public Integrity that his firm will be paid roughly $5.6m of campaign funds for his orchestration of legalization in the state, and upon the initiative’s passage he will consult cannabis businesses. His approach to others’ reproach has been to point to the American way and brush it off. “The honest and most easy response is: I am going to profit from this,” he told the Center. |
| As of 31 July 2015, the Responsible Ohio campaign Pac had $3.4m from 10 LLCs sharing three addresses. James said that each of those LLCs has received from investors, many of whom are unknown, $4m – half for the campaign, and half for site development. (SEC filings show nine of the LLCs with $4m, and one with $1.8m.) | As of 31 July 2015, the Responsible Ohio campaign Pac had $3.4m from 10 LLCs sharing three addresses. James said that each of those LLCs has received from investors, many of whom are unknown, $4m – half for the campaign, and half for site development. (SEC filings show nine of the LLCs with $4m, and one with $1.8m.) |
| The investors, including the well-known ones like Nick Lachey, former member of boyband 98 Degrees, and NBA Hall of Famer Oscar Robertson, have remained mostly quiet. But according to the Dayton Daily News, one of the principal funders appeared in a now-private YouTube video espousing the myriad business possibilities in the cannabis industry and said: “Let’s hop on this tsunami of money and ride the top of that wave to some enrichment for us.” | The investors, including the well-known ones like Nick Lachey, former member of boyband 98 Degrees, and NBA Hall of Famer Oscar Robertson, have remained mostly quiet. But according to the Dayton Daily News, one of the principal funders appeared in a now-private YouTube video espousing the myriad business possibilities in the cannabis industry and said: “Let’s hop on this tsunami of money and ride the top of that wave to some enrichment for us.” |
| These investors will profit directly from passage of Issue 3: the amendment designates 10 parcels of land owned by these investor-backed LLCs as the sole grow sites for all legal cannabis sold in the state. Ohio could, after four years, award additional licenses, but only if the existing sites (which can expand to adjacent properties) don’t meet demand. | These investors will profit directly from passage of Issue 3: the amendment designates 10 parcels of land owned by these investor-backed LLCs as the sole grow sites for all legal cannabis sold in the state. Ohio could, after four years, award additional licenses, but only if the existing sites (which can expand to adjacent properties) don’t meet demand. |
| Earlier this year comedian Drew Carey tweeted: “I’m not sure I like ResponsibleOhio’s [sic] plan for legalizing pot in Ohio. Sounds like they’re creating their own monopoly like the casinos did.” (A reference to James’s previous effort.) The word “monopoly” stuck early on, despite the campaign’s vigorous efforts to dispute it, and remains in the ballot language today. While oligopoly is more accurate, monopoly is a visceral tool currently used by those both for and against legalization who dislike the financial incentives behind this campaign. | Earlier this year comedian Drew Carey tweeted: “I’m not sure I like ResponsibleOhio’s [sic] plan for legalizing pot in Ohio. Sounds like they’re creating their own monopoly like the casinos did.” (A reference to James’s previous effort.) The word “monopoly” stuck early on, despite the campaign’s vigorous efforts to dispute it, and remains in the ballot language today. While oligopoly is more accurate, monopoly is a visceral tool currently used by those both for and against legalization who dislike the financial incentives behind this campaign. |
| On election day, voters will see both Issue 3, put forth by Responsible Ohio, and Issue 2, put forth by the state legislature, an “anti-monopoly amendment” that “protects the initiative process from being used for personal economic benefit”. A legal battle is likely to ensue if both pass. | On election day, voters will see both Issue 3, put forth by Responsible Ohio, and Issue 2, put forth by the state legislature, an “anti-monopoly amendment” that “protects the initiative process from being used for personal economic benefit”. A legal battle is likely to ensue if both pass. |
| ‘This is what success looks like’ | ‘This is what success looks like’ |
| It may be that profit-driven efforts are inevitable. | It may be that profit-driven efforts are inevitable. |
| Just as the US has seen with tobacco, alcohol or even food, it’s likely that deep pockets will increasingly seek to influence cannabis policy in favor of personal monetary gains above public benefit or health. | Just as the US has seen with tobacco, alcohol or even food, it’s likely that deep pockets will increasingly seek to influence cannabis policy in favor of personal monetary gains above public benefit or health. |
| In the beginning, wealthy backers sought to change cannabis laws, but they donated money to a cause rather than investing in a campaign with the promise of a profit pipeline back to them. Billionaires like Soros and Lewis, along with Men’s Wearhouse founder George Zimmer and University of Arizona founder John Sperling, who has since died, bankrolled the first handful of medical cannabis laws in the country, beginning with California in 1996. They sustained this strategy when Soros and Lewis backed the legalization efforts in Washington and Colorado, respectively, in 2012. | In the beginning, wealthy backers sought to change cannabis laws, but they donated money to a cause rather than investing in a campaign with the promise of a profit pipeline back to them. Billionaires like Soros and Lewis, along with Men’s Wearhouse founder George Zimmer and University of Arizona founder John Sperling, who has since died, bankrolled the first handful of medical cannabis laws in the country, beginning with California in 1996. They sustained this strategy when Soros and Lewis backed the legalization efforts in Washington and Colorado, respectively, in 2012. |
| A campaign like this is a little bit offensive to longtime advocates, especially the messaging that they’re doing | A campaign like this is a little bit offensive to longtime advocates, especially the messaging that they’re doing |
| “A lot of members have been working for decades to get to where we are,” said Aaron Smith, executive director of the National Cannabis Industry Association. “And then to see outsiders come in and run a campaign like this is a little bit offensive to them, especially the messaging that they’re doing,” he said, adding that Buddie is almost so ridiculous that it seemed crafted by legalization opponents. | “A lot of members have been working for decades to get to where we are,” said Aaron Smith, executive director of the National Cannabis Industry Association. “And then to see outsiders come in and run a campaign like this is a little bit offensive to them, especially the messaging that they’re doing,” he said, adding that Buddie is almost so ridiculous that it seemed crafted by legalization opponents. |
| “I keep having to remind myself that this is what success looks like.” | “I keep having to remind myself that this is what success looks like.” |
| Was there an alternative to promising the campaign’s investors thick pockets? “The answer is simply no,” said James. He said that Lewis briefly considered putting forward funding for a 2012 medical cannabis push in Ohio, but ultimately found the state to be too expensive. Without backing from Marijuana Policy Project or Drug Policy Alliance, James said, who chose to put resources toward cheaper, easier states like Colorado and Washington, there would have been no movement in Ohio for many years. Indeed, Ohio was not on MPP’s radar, and was a maybe for DPA in 2020. | Was there an alternative to promising the campaign’s investors thick pockets? “The answer is simply no,” said James. He said that Lewis briefly considered putting forward funding for a 2012 medical cannabis push in Ohio, but ultimately found the state to be too expensive. Without backing from Marijuana Policy Project or Drug Policy Alliance, James said, who chose to put resources toward cheaper, easier states like Colorado and Washington, there would have been no movement in Ohio for many years. Indeed, Ohio was not on MPP’s radar, and was a maybe for DPA in 2020. |
| “Unless you find a way for the national groups to participate and spend the millions of dollars necessary to win, then you’re not going to have the funding necessary for this. It is a very, very large, complex state,” James said, pointing to the multiple, expensive media markets and purple political nature of Ohio. | “Unless you find a way for the national groups to participate and spend the millions of dollars necessary to win, then you’re not going to have the funding necessary for this. It is a very, very large, complex state,” James said, pointing to the multiple, expensive media markets and purple political nature of Ohio. |
| These two organizations do not have the funds to pursue every state that a wealthy backer may have an eye on. MPP’s fundraising goal for 2015, for example, is just over $6m; that’s slightly more than what James will be paid for running Responsible Ohio, and one-quarter of his entire campaign budget. As prohibition continues to unravel and interest in the industry skyrockets, there may be many more Ohios. | These two organizations do not have the funds to pursue every state that a wealthy backer may have an eye on. MPP’s fundraising goal for 2015, for example, is just over $6m; that’s slightly more than what James will be paid for running Responsible Ohio, and one-quarter of his entire campaign budget. As prohibition continues to unravel and interest in the industry skyrockets, there may be many more Ohios. |
| The guy who orchestrated the passage of the first seven medical cannabis state laws in the country, Ethan Nadelmann, founder and executive director of DPA since the 90s, said he always knew “that we reformers would not be, over the long term, in such a strong position to shape what legalization would look like. Especially in the United States with its dynamic capitalist system.” | The guy who orchestrated the passage of the first seven medical cannabis state laws in the country, Ethan Nadelmann, founder and executive director of DPA since the 90s, said he always knew “that we reformers would not be, over the long term, in such a strong position to shape what legalization would look like. Especially in the United States with its dynamic capitalist system.” |
| From a long-game perspective, in terms of national political significance, Nadelmann says he wants Ohio’s legalization initiative to pass. But he recognizes that this is a moment of change. | From a long-game perspective, in terms of national political significance, Nadelmann says he wants Ohio’s legalization initiative to pass. But he recognizes that this is a moment of change. |
| “On a personal level, [there’s] the stuff that keeps me going every day, fighting for justice, fighting for freedom, all the things that come with ending marijuana prohibition,” he said. “Now we’re entering a world where the principal people who see themselves benefiting are not the people who are not going to be arrested; the principal people who see themselves benefiting are basically the people who are going to make money from this.” | “On a personal level, [there’s] the stuff that keeps me going every day, fighting for justice, fighting for freedom, all the things that come with ending marijuana prohibition,” he said. “Now we’re entering a world where the principal people who see themselves benefiting are not the people who are not going to be arrested; the principal people who see themselves benefiting are basically the people who are going to make money from this.” |
| Regulation-wise, Ohio’s legalization initiative isn’t too dissimilar from others. It allows home growing, added after a push from DPA. There would be hundreds of licenses for retail of cannabis for medical and non-medical uses. But these license holders will be beholden to the cannabis cultivated by those 10 investor-backed companies. | Regulation-wise, Ohio’s legalization initiative isn’t too dissimilar from others. It allows home growing, added after a push from DPA. There would be hundreds of licenses for retail of cannabis for medical and non-medical uses. But these license holders will be beholden to the cannabis cultivated by those 10 investor-backed companies. |
| MPP, which is behind the majority of medical and non-medical cannabis laws and efforts in states today, has tip-toed around its neutral position on the Ohio effort. | MPP, which is behind the majority of medical and non-medical cannabis laws and efforts in states today, has tip-toed around its neutral position on the Ohio effort. |
| “We support ending prohibition and replacing it with regulation, and that’s what this initiative would do,” said Mason Tvert, MPP’s communications director. But when probed, he added: “I have nothing to get but hassle by providing a comment. Whether it’s by the Ohio campaign, or by people who don’t like it, or people who do.” | “We support ending prohibition and replacing it with regulation, and that’s what this initiative would do,” said Mason Tvert, MPP’s communications director. But when probed, he added: “I have nothing to get but hassle by providing a comment. Whether it’s by the Ohio campaign, or by people who don’t like it, or people who do.” |
| Dan Riffle, MPP’s federal policies director, tweeted that he and “most” of his colleagues are personally opposed. | Dan Riffle, MPP’s federal policies director, tweeted that he and “most” of his colleagues are personally opposed. |
| He noted that, beyond Ohio, there have been divisions within the pro-legalization crowd during the movement’s transition into a robust industry. | He noted that, beyond Ohio, there have been divisions within the pro-legalization crowd during the movement’s transition into a robust industry. |
| “Now that we’re past that point [of having legalization] and everyone agrees that we should no longer arrest and prosecute adults, we’re down to talking about details,” he said. “The progressives’ movement for drug policy reform and the libertarian movement for drug policy reform are not so much on the same page anymore.” | “Now that we’re past that point [of having legalization] and everyone agrees that we should no longer arrest and prosecute adults, we’re down to talking about details,” he said. “The progressives’ movement for drug policy reform and the libertarian movement for drug policy reform are not so much on the same page anymore.” |
| The “No on Issue 3” editorials from Ohio’s mainstream papers have begun to pour in, most of them with a similar view: cannabis legalization is worth consideration, but not this version. | The “No on Issue 3” editorials from Ohio’s mainstream papers have begun to pour in, most of them with a similar view: cannabis legalization is worth consideration, but not this version. |
| “The 19th-century robber barons couldn’t have dreamed up a more perfect plan,” wrote the editorial board of The Plain Dealer and the Northeast Ohio Media Group. | “The 19th-century robber barons couldn’t have dreamed up a more perfect plan,” wrote the editorial board of The Plain Dealer and the Northeast Ohio Media Group. |
| While Responsible Ohio lost the support of some groups that traditionally have backed legalization, like the state Libertarian and Green parties, the ACLU of Ohio came out in clear support. Executive director Christine Link believes that state Republicans have seized upon monopoly fears to split the pro-legalization vote. | While Responsible Ohio lost the support of some groups that traditionally have backed legalization, like the state Libertarian and Green parties, the ACLU of Ohio came out in clear support. Executive director Christine Link believes that state Republicans have seized upon monopoly fears to split the pro-legalization vote. |
| “The goal is to legalize marijuana, to lead the country not follow it, and let a lot of these other issues be worked out along the way,” Link said. | “The goal is to legalize marijuana, to lead the country not follow it, and let a lot of these other issues be worked out along the way,” Link said. |
| “It would be very significant for a state like this to vote for complete legalization. It would really be a game changer in this country. And people are going to miss that opportunity because they’ve gotten sidetracked on what is basically a smoke screen issue.” | “It would be very significant for a state like this to vote for complete legalization. It would really be a game changer in this country. And people are going to miss that opportunity because they’ve gotten sidetracked on what is basically a smoke screen issue.” |
| The future of legalization? | The future of legalization? |
| Ohio raises questions that will continue to come up for debate among legalization supporters who have divided on this initiative: is the concern of the legalization movement to get away from prohibition at any cost (including supporting an oligopoly), or should they back legalization efforts now with 10 years from now in mind? In this case, should the investors in those 10 plots of land be able to determine their place, which is traditionally left to the legislature – especially during a new experiment that requires flexibility to be able to amend and adjust a state’s cannabis laws? | Ohio raises questions that will continue to come up for debate among legalization supporters who have divided on this initiative: is the concern of the legalization movement to get away from prohibition at any cost (including supporting an oligopoly), or should they back legalization efforts now with 10 years from now in mind? In this case, should the investors in those 10 plots of land be able to determine their place, which is traditionally left to the legislature – especially during a new experiment that requires flexibility to be able to amend and adjust a state’s cannabis laws? |
| Historically, reluctant legislatures meant ballot initiatives were the primary means of passing medical or social use cannabis laws. But the passage of a ballot initiative like Ohio’s might just prompt legislatures across the country to take matters into their own hands. | Historically, reluctant legislatures meant ballot initiatives were the primary means of passing medical or social use cannabis laws. But the passage of a ballot initiative like Ohio’s might just prompt legislatures across the country to take matters into their own hands. |
| Are we really just turning over all of the benefits of legalization to the privileged white class? | Are we really just turning over all of the benefits of legalization to the privileged white class? |
| Alison Holcomb, the director of the ACLU Campaign for Smart Justice, and former director of the campaign that legalized cannabis in Washington in 2012, said she supports Ohio’s Issue 3 insofar as it moves away from prohibition. But she would like to see legislators get involved now so that inevitable pot legalization provisions aren’t determined by investor-driven ballot initiatives alone. | Alison Holcomb, the director of the ACLU Campaign for Smart Justice, and former director of the campaign that legalized cannabis in Washington in 2012, said she supports Ohio’s Issue 3 insofar as it moves away from prohibition. But she would like to see legislators get involved now so that inevitable pot legalization provisions aren’t determined by investor-driven ballot initiatives alone. |
| “I think that at everyone’s gut, that what’s disturbing is that, for those of us that have been doing this for social justice reasons, it galls us to see that, OK, great, we’re not rounding up all the brown and black people and arresting them. But are we really just turning over all of the benefits of legalization to the privileged white class?” | “I think that at everyone’s gut, that what’s disturbing is that, for those of us that have been doing this for social justice reasons, it galls us to see that, OK, great, we’re not rounding up all the brown and black people and arresting them. But are we really just turning over all of the benefits of legalization to the privileged white class?” |
| James, by contrast, considers constitution and investor concerns “academic”. After talking at length about political realities of running a campaign in Ohio and needing money to get an initiative on the ballot and passed, he said: “I don’t mean to be a dick about it. But give me a fucking break.” | James, by contrast, considers constitution and investor concerns “academic”. After talking at length about political realities of running a campaign in Ohio and needing money to get an initiative on the ballot and passed, he said: “I don’t mean to be a dick about it. But give me a fucking break.” |