This article is from the source 'nytimes' and was first published or seen on . It last changed over 40 days ago and won't be checked again for changes.
You can find the current article at its original source at http://www.nytimes.com/2015/10/29/world/europe/in-times-of-chaos-turks-point-to-a-deep-conspiracy.html
The article has changed 6 times. There is an RSS feed of changes available.
| Version 3 | Version 4 |
|---|---|
| When Turmoil Strikes, Turks See Conspiracy at Work | |
| (about 2 hours later) | |
| ISTANBUL — In the aftermath of modern Turkey’s deadliest terrorist attack, an old specter has reappeared on the political scene: the widespread assumption that events are being manipulated behind the scenes and outside the law by a web of shadowy forces called the “deep state.” | ISTANBUL — In the aftermath of modern Turkey’s deadliest terrorist attack, an old specter has reappeared on the political scene: the widespread assumption that events are being manipulated behind the scenes and outside the law by a web of shadowy forces called the “deep state.” |
| Though officials were quick to point a finger at Islamic State terrorists when a pair of suicide bombings killed more than 100 people in Ankara, Turkey’s capital, Internet users swiftly lit up Turkey’s social media with more cynical explanations. They theorized that government agents and outside accomplices were once again conspiring to stir up trouble and provoke violence for political purposes. “The deep state is back,” wrote one. “Now, in the name of the deep state, ISIS carries out attacks,” wrote another, referring to the Islamic State. | Though officials were quick to point a finger at Islamic State terrorists when a pair of suicide bombings killed more than 100 people in Ankara, Turkey’s capital, Internet users swiftly lit up Turkey’s social media with more cynical explanations. They theorized that government agents and outside accomplices were once again conspiring to stir up trouble and provoke violence for political purposes. “The deep state is back,” wrote one. “Now, in the name of the deep state, ISIS carries out attacks,” wrote another, referring to the Islamic State. |
| In the same vein, Turkish columnists drew on the country’s history of political violence to explain the attack — one called the bombings “a Turkish classic” — and leaders of opposition parties said the government must have been to blame. | In the same vein, Turkish columnists drew on the country’s history of political violence to explain the attack — one called the bombings “a Turkish classic” — and leaders of opposition parties said the government must have been to blame. |
| The talk comes with a new twist. Some Turks are speaking of this presumed deep state as one that serves the interests of the man who ostentatiously demolished an old one, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. | The talk comes with a new twist. Some Turks are speaking of this presumed deep state as one that serves the interests of the man who ostentatiously demolished an old one, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. |
| With their country convulsed by political instability, terrorism and the renewal of an old war with Kurdish militants, many Turks are turning to the deep-state idea these days as a way to make sense of the chaos around them. That the idea is so widely accepted highlights not only Turkey’s history of coups and political intrigue, but also its deep polarization. Turkish society has not been able to unite in the face of a deadly tragedy, and now faces an early election on Sunday that could deepen its political instability. | With their country convulsed by political instability, terrorism and the renewal of an old war with Kurdish militants, many Turks are turning to the deep-state idea these days as a way to make sense of the chaos around them. That the idea is so widely accepted highlights not only Turkey’s history of coups and political intrigue, but also its deep polarization. Turkish society has not been able to unite in the face of a deadly tragedy, and now faces an early election on Sunday that could deepen its political instability. |
| Mr. Erdogan came to power a decade ago intent on destroying the old deep state, which historians have described as a clandestine network that worked to secure the secular and nationalist principles of modern Turkey’s founder, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, and to undermine leaders with different ideas. | Mr. Erdogan came to power a decade ago intent on destroying the old deep state, which historians have described as a clandestine network that worked to secure the secular and nationalist principles of modern Turkey’s founder, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, and to undermine leaders with different ideas. |
| Under Mr. Erdogan and his Islamist political party, Justice and Development, a series of investigations and court cases exposed the links of previous governments to a sordid array of characters, including mob bosses, contract killers and drug runners, who were enlisted to do dirty work. | Under Mr. Erdogan and his Islamist political party, Justice and Development, a series of investigations and court cases exposed the links of previous governments to a sordid array of characters, including mob bosses, contract killers and drug runners, who were enlisted to do dirty work. |
| Consolidating his power, Mr. Erdogan removed the military — the institution that academics say pulled the strings of the old deep state, especially at the height of the Kurdish war in the 1990s — from its dominant role in Turkish politics and installed his own loyalists in the state’s bureaucracies instead. He vanquished the old deep state — but many Turks, aware of the history, now suspect that he has erected a new one in its place. | Consolidating his power, Mr. Erdogan removed the military — the institution that academics say pulled the strings of the old deep state, especially at the height of the Kurdish war in the 1990s — from its dominant role in Turkish politics and installed his own loyalists in the state’s bureaucracies instead. He vanquished the old deep state — but many Turks, aware of the history, now suspect that he has erected a new one in its place. |
| Barcin Yinanc, writing in The Hurriyet Daily News about the Ankara attack, most of whose victims were Kurds, said: “There are some, and not only the pro-Kurdish opposition party but even ordinary people, who suspect the state’s — in other words, the Justice and Development Party government’s — involvement in the bombing. So the long forgotten ‘deep state’ is back on the agenda again, creating a sense of déjà vu.” | Barcin Yinanc, writing in The Hurriyet Daily News about the Ankara attack, most of whose victims were Kurds, said: “There are some, and not only the pro-Kurdish opposition party but even ordinary people, who suspect the state’s — in other words, the Justice and Development Party government’s — involvement in the bombing. So the long forgotten ‘deep state’ is back on the agenda again, creating a sense of déjà vu.” |
| Mr. Erdogan remained notably silent for three days after the attack, before he finally responded to the percolating conspiracy theories that somehow the state was behind the violence. | Mr. Erdogan remained notably silent for three days after the attack, before he finally responded to the percolating conspiracy theories that somehow the state was behind the violence. |
| “Those who say the deep state’s mark is on this are actually trying to hide themselves,” Mr. Erdogan said at a joint news conference with the visiting prime minister of Finland. | “Those who say the deep state’s mark is on this are actually trying to hide themselves,” Mr. Erdogan said at a joint news conference with the visiting prime minister of Finland. |
| Steven A. Cook, a longtime analyst of Turkish politics and a fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations, said that “the fact that people believe this is important politically. It contributes to this polarized society, that there are these deep, dark forces manipulating things.” | Steven A. Cook, a longtime analyst of Turkish politics and a fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations, said that “the fact that people believe this is important politically. It contributes to this polarized society, that there are these deep, dark forces manipulating things.” |
| Partly it reflects a Turkish penchant for conspiracy theories. Even so, though no one has yet proved the existence of an actual, organized deep state, there is a long record of violence that turned out afterward to be the work of agents for the state. Historians say its roots go back to the underground cells of “Young Turk” reformers in the waning years of the Ottoman Empire, and later to a Cold War program to prepare clandestine networks in NATO countries in case of a successful Soviet invasion. | Partly it reflects a Turkish penchant for conspiracy theories. Even so, though no one has yet proved the existence of an actual, organized deep state, there is a long record of violence that turned out afterward to be the work of agents for the state. Historians say its roots go back to the underground cells of “Young Turk” reformers in the waning years of the Ottoman Empire, and later to a Cold War program to prepare clandestine networks in NATO countries in case of a successful Soviet invasion. |
| The deep state is a common theme in Turkish movies, television shows, books and comics. One popular television and movie series called “Valley of the Wolves” delves into links among the state, business and organized crime. An art exhibition in Istanbul last year, exploring the subject of government violence, was called “Deep State.” | The deep state is a common theme in Turkish movies, television shows, books and comics. One popular television and movie series called “Valley of the Wolves” delves into links among the state, business and organized crime. An art exhibition in Istanbul last year, exploring the subject of government violence, was called “Deep State.” |
| Kerem Oktem, a Turkish historian and author of “Angry Nation: Turkey Since 1989,” described the deep state as “a loose network of manipulative actors” who “do the dirty jobs of government.” | Kerem Oktem, a Turkish historian and author of “Angry Nation: Turkey Since 1989,” described the deep state as “a loose network of manipulative actors” who “do the dirty jobs of government.” |
| In a classified diplomatic cable from 2002 released by WikiLeaks, W. Robert Pearson, who was then the American ambassador in Ankara, wrote that “the Turkish Deep State, the behind-the-scenes machinery and power relationships among selected members of the military, judicial, and bureaucratic elite, has endured as an essential factor in political life, and in citizens’ wary calculations of their relationship to the state.” | In a classified diplomatic cable from 2002 released by WikiLeaks, W. Robert Pearson, who was then the American ambassador in Ankara, wrote that “the Turkish Deep State, the behind-the-scenes machinery and power relationships among selected members of the military, judicial, and bureaucratic elite, has endured as an essential factor in political life, and in citizens’ wary calculations of their relationship to the state.” |
| The cable, which described how journalists were suspected of disseminating propaganda for agents of the deep state, relied in part on a source in Turkey’s security establishment. The source described helping to remove Turkey’s first elected Islamist government from power in 1997, and hinted that the deep state could keep Mr. Erdogan out of power, too, if it wished. | The cable, which described how journalists were suspected of disseminating propaganda for agents of the deep state, relied in part on a source in Turkey’s security establishment. The source described helping to remove Turkey’s first elected Islamist government from power in 1997, and hinted that the deep state could keep Mr. Erdogan out of power, too, if it wished. |
| Now, when Turks speak of the deep state, they are often referring to a widespread perception that the government bureaucracy is now filled with loyalists to Mr. Erdogan’s party. And many say they discern familiar patterns, reminiscent of older times of turmoil, like the angry mobs that have recently attacked Kurdish political offices and the office of The Hurriyet, which is one of the country’s largest newspapers. | Now, when Turks speak of the deep state, they are often referring to a widespread perception that the government bureaucracy is now filled with loyalists to Mr. Erdogan’s party. And many say they discern familiar patterns, reminiscent of older times of turmoil, like the angry mobs that have recently attacked Kurdish political offices and the office of The Hurriyet, which is one of the country’s largest newspapers. |
| “All of those things are signs to the Turkish public of extrajudicial activities that are signs of the deep state,” Mr. Pearson said in an interview. | “All of those things are signs to the Turkish public of extrajudicial activities that are signs of the deep state,” Mr. Pearson said in an interview. |
| Though the term deep state is thought to have originated in Turkey, it has come to be applied as well to other countries in the Middle East, where autocratic governments have used security agencies, intelligence services and paramilitary groups to quash dissent and divide opponents. | Though the term deep state is thought to have originated in Turkey, it has come to be applied as well to other countries in the Middle East, where autocratic governments have used security agencies, intelligence services and paramilitary groups to quash dissent and divide opponents. |
| In Egypt, for instance, analysts used the term to describe the way an entrenched bureaucracy and military establishment undercut and then ousted Mohamed Morsi, the leader of the Muslim Brotherhood who was elected president after a popular uprising. | In Egypt, for instance, analysts used the term to describe the way an entrenched bureaucracy and military establishment undercut and then ousted Mohamed Morsi, the leader of the Muslim Brotherhood who was elected president after a popular uprising. |
| “The whole idea was that the deep state was manipulating things so Morsi would fail,” Mr. Cook said. | “The whole idea was that the deep state was manipulating things so Morsi would fail,” Mr. Cook said. |
| Jean-Pierre Filiu, a French scholar of the Arab world, sees a link between the use of forces of the deep state by Arab despots and the rise of Islamic extremism in the Middle East. He argues in a new book, “From Deep State to Islamic State: the Arab Counter-Revolution and Its Jihadi Legacy,” that the often brutal extralegal tactics used against Arab Spring protesters in Egypt, Syria and elsewhere had helped make opponents of the those governments more radical. He also notes that figures from Saddam Hussein’s old intelligence apparatus now play important roles in the Islamic State. | |
| “Each deep state has its own national flavor,” Mr. Filiu said. | “Each deep state has its own national flavor,” Mr. Filiu said. |
| Turkish voters will go to the polls on Sunday in what is essentially a rerun of the election in June, when Mr. Erdogan’s party lost its legislative majority, producing Parliament without a majority. That outcome seemed to block Mr. Erdogan’s ambition of turning his largely ceremonial current post into a powerful executive presidency, and he called another election at his first opportunity. Now, with opinion surveys forecasting largely the same result, the overriding question is how Mr. Erdogan will react. | Turkish voters will go to the polls on Sunday in what is essentially a rerun of the election in June, when Mr. Erdogan’s party lost its legislative majority, producing Parliament without a majority. That outcome seemed to block Mr. Erdogan’s ambition of turning his largely ceremonial current post into a powerful executive presidency, and he called another election at his first opportunity. Now, with opinion surveys forecasting largely the same result, the overriding question is how Mr. Erdogan will react. |
| He remains the dominant political figure in the country, and analysts say Mr. Erdogan can continue to wield enormous power through his grip on the state, no matter whether he wins a majority in Parliament and the new constitution he wants. | He remains the dominant political figure in the country, and analysts say Mr. Erdogan can continue to wield enormous power through his grip on the state, no matter whether he wins a majority in Parliament and the new constitution he wants. |
| In the campaign, his party, known by its Turkish initials, A.K.P., has played on Turkish fears of the old deep state. Speaking to a crowd recently, Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoglu invoked a powerful symbol of past violence: the automobiles used by a state-linked terrorist group in the 1990s to kidnap Kurds. | In the campaign, his party, known by its Turkish initials, A.K.P., has played on Turkish fears of the old deep state. Speaking to a crowd recently, Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoglu invoked a powerful symbol of past violence: the automobiles used by a state-linked terrorist group in the 1990s to kidnap Kurds. |
| Speaking in the largely Kurdish city of Van, Mr. Davutoglu said, “If the A.K.P. is toppled from power, these terrorist gangs” and their “white Renault cars will return.” | Speaking in the largely Kurdish city of Van, Mr. Davutoglu said, “If the A.K.P. is toppled from power, these terrorist gangs” and their “white Renault cars will return.” |