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| Mystery Cloaks a North Korean Pop Band’s Canceled Beijing Dates | Mystery Cloaks a North Korean Pop Band’s Canceled Beijing Dates |
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| BEIJING — The stylish women of North Korea’s most famous pop band had just arrived in Beijing for a series of concerts to showcase their country’s warming relationship with China when the man who had sent them here, Kim Jong-un, the North Korean leader, made an unexpected announcement. | BEIJING — The stylish women of North Korea’s most famous pop band had just arrived in Beijing for a series of concerts to showcase their country’s warming relationship with China when the man who had sent them here, Kim Jong-un, the North Korean leader, made an unexpected announcement. |
| Even for Mr. Kim, this piece of bravado seemed out of the blue: Speaking in Pyongyang, the North Korean capital, this month, he declared that his country had developed a hydrogen bomb, a claim immediately dismissed as far-fetched by the United States and others, though North Korea has tested less destructive nuclear weapons. | |
| Within 48 hours, the Moranbong Band was on its way home. There would be no performances of patriotic tunes in miniskirts, no cheering audiences in China’s national concert hall, only a diplomatic mess — and a mystery. In military-styled serge overcoats with high winter hats pulled down over their ears, the 20 musicians were in such a hurry to leave that they were whisked onto a North Korean plane waiting at the Beijing airport. They had arrived by train. | Within 48 hours, the Moranbong Band was on its way home. There would be no performances of patriotic tunes in miniskirts, no cheering audiences in China’s national concert hall, only a diplomatic mess — and a mystery. In military-styled serge overcoats with high winter hats pulled down over their ears, the 20 musicians were in such a hurry to leave that they were whisked onto a North Korean plane waiting at the Beijing airport. They had arrived by train. |
| The North Korean government is so practiced at propaganda, especially for its home audience, that it seemed strange that an effort to cozy up to its most important ally with song and dance could go so spectacularly wrong. More than a week later, it is still unclear what exactly led Pyongyang to pull the plug on the concerts. Yet some aspects seem clear. | The North Korean government is so practiced at propaganda, especially for its home audience, that it seemed strange that an effort to cozy up to its most important ally with song and dance could go so spectacularly wrong. More than a week later, it is still unclear what exactly led Pyongyang to pull the plug on the concerts. Yet some aspects seem clear. |
| A few months ago, after a prolonged chill in relations caused by its distaste for Mr. Kim as an impetuous and unreliable partner, China began a kind of easing of tensions. The Chinese had modified their initial assessment that the youthful Mr. Kim would not last long in power, said Evans J. R. Revere, a former senior State Department specialist on North Korea. | |
| “China is now convinced the ‘young general’ is going to be around for a long time,” he said, “and this argues for an approach focused on improving ties.” | “China is now convinced the ‘young general’ is going to be around for a long time,” he said, “and this argues for an approach focused on improving ties.” |
| The Chinese leadership had been unhappy since North Korea conducted an underground nuclear test in February 2013. But Mr. Kim appeared to delay another test this year, which gave Chinese officials hope that he had begun to heed their warnings against further development of nuclear arms, Mr. Revere said. | The Chinese leadership had been unhappy since North Korea conducted an underground nuclear test in February 2013. But Mr. Kim appeared to delay another test this year, which gave Chinese officials hope that he had begun to heed their warnings against further development of nuclear arms, Mr. Revere said. |
| In the first sign that relations were on the mend, a senior Chinese official, Liu Yunshan, traveled to Pyongyang in October to attend a military parade and was shown on state television chatting with Mr. Kim on the reviewing stand, so much so that they looked like best chums. It was the first visit by a member of China’s seven-man Politburo Standing Committee to North Korea since Mr. Kim assumed power at the end of 2011. | In the first sign that relations were on the mend, a senior Chinese official, Liu Yunshan, traveled to Pyongyang in October to attend a military parade and was shown on state television chatting with Mr. Kim on the reviewing stand, so much so that they looked like best chums. It was the first visit by a member of China’s seven-man Politburo Standing Committee to North Korea since Mr. Kim assumed power at the end of 2011. |
| Speculation followed that Mr. Liu was paving the way for Mr. Kim to make a state visit to China, as the North Korean leader’s father and predecessor, Kim Jong-il, did several times with great fanfare. | |
| Perhaps as a prelude, Kim Jong-un chose to send the Moranbong Band, a troupe of slim young women long associated with his efforts to project a more modern image of North Korea. With tight dresses, short hairdos and a repertoire that includes Western pop hits as well as North Korean revolutionary standards, the band shot to fame under Mr. Kim’s patronage, but it had never performed overseas. | Perhaps as a prelude, Kim Jong-un chose to send the Moranbong Band, a troupe of slim young women long associated with his efforts to project a more modern image of North Korea. With tight dresses, short hairdos and a repertoire that includes Western pop hits as well as North Korean revolutionary standards, the band shot to fame under Mr. Kim’s patronage, but it had never performed overseas. |
| The concerts were to be held at China’s premier venue for foreign acts, the National Center for the Performing Arts near Tiananmen Square, which has hosted the Berlin Philharmonic and the Australian Ballet, among others. Tickets were not sold to the general public. Instead, they were distributed only to members of the Chinese Communist Party, a signal that the band’s visit was intended as a gift for the party apparatus, not just for ordinary Chinese. | |
| But on Dec. 10, the day the band arrived in the Chinese capital, North Korea’s official Korean Central News Agency reported Mr. Kim’s assertion about the hydrogen bomb, which it said he had made during a visit to a site that honors his father and grandfather, who ruled North Korea before him. | |
| Mr. Kim said his forebears’ work had turned the country into “a powerful nuclear weapons state ready to detonate a self-reliant A-bomb and H-bomb to reliably defend its sovereignty and the dignity of the nation.” | Mr. Kim said his forebears’ work had turned the country into “a powerful nuclear weapons state ready to detonate a self-reliant A-bomb and H-bomb to reliably defend its sovereignty and the dignity of the nation.” |
| The White House said it doubted that North Korea had developed a hydrogen bomb, and Chinese analysts agreed with that assessment. | The White House said it doubted that North Korea had developed a hydrogen bomb, and Chinese analysts agreed with that assessment. |
| But the timing of Mr. Kim’s statement put Beijing in an awkward position. One Chinese expert on North Korean affairs who has worked closely with the Pyongyang government said Mr. Kim had essentially set a trap for the Chinese leadership. | But the timing of Mr. Kim’s statement put Beijing in an awkward position. One Chinese expert on North Korean affairs who has worked closely with the Pyongyang government said Mr. Kim had essentially set a trap for the Chinese leadership. |
| Because the Moranbong Band was playing exclusively for a Communist Party audience, the North Koreans expected senior party officials to attend, said the expert, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because of his seniority and the delicate nature of the matter. But attendance by a top Chinese leader could be interpreted as an endorsement of Mr. Kim’s government and in particular its claim to a hydrogen bomb, the analyst said. | Because the Moranbong Band was playing exclusively for a Communist Party audience, the North Koreans expected senior party officials to attend, said the expert, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because of his seniority and the delicate nature of the matter. But attendance by a top Chinese leader could be interpreted as an endorsement of Mr. Kim’s government and in particular its claim to a hydrogen bomb, the analyst said. |
| A Chinese scholar of foreign relations said he had heard similar talk. “There appears to have been some discussions about whether Xi Jinping or Li Keqiang should attend,” said Shi Yinhong, professor of international relations at Renmin University of Beijing, referring to the Chinese president and premier. “Then the hydrogen bomb comment came.” | A Chinese scholar of foreign relations said he had heard similar talk. “There appears to have been some discussions about whether Xi Jinping or Li Keqiang should attend,” said Shi Yinhong, professor of international relations at Renmin University of Beijing, referring to the Chinese president and premier. “Then the hydrogen bomb comment came.” |
| Given Beijing’s opposition to any expansion of North Korea’s nuclear arsenal, Mr. Shi said, the sudden announcement about the hydrogen bomb meant that Chinese officials dispatched to the concert would have to be of lower rank. That prospect apparently upset the North Koreans and led Mr. Kim to call his favorite band home, Mr. Shi said. | Given Beijing’s opposition to any expansion of North Korea’s nuclear arsenal, Mr. Shi said, the sudden announcement about the hydrogen bomb meant that Chinese officials dispatched to the concert would have to be of lower rank. That prospect apparently upset the North Koreans and led Mr. Kim to call his favorite band home, Mr. Shi said. |
| It is also possible, Mr. Shi added, that Mr. Kim was unhappy with public commentary about the band in China. | It is also possible, Mr. Shi added, that Mr. Kim was unhappy with public commentary about the band in China. |
| In recent months, Chinese censors had stepped up efforts to scrub the Internet of posts that insult Mr. Kim, who is sometimes referred to online simply as “Fatty.” | In recent months, Chinese censors had stepped up efforts to scrub the Internet of posts that insult Mr. Kim, who is sometimes referred to online simply as “Fatty.” |
| But after the Moranbong Band’s arrival, social media in China was ablaze with rumors describing the band’s leader, Hyon Song-wol, as Mr. Kim’s former girlfriend. There was also much discussion of reports in South Korea that Ms. Hyon had been executed along with about a dozen other North Korean performers in 2013. Asked by reporters about the rumors as she arrived at her hotel in Beijing, Ms. Hyon smiled and replied, “Where do you come from?” | But after the Moranbong Band’s arrival, social media in China was ablaze with rumors describing the band’s leader, Hyon Song-wol, as Mr. Kim’s former girlfriend. There was also much discussion of reports in South Korea that Ms. Hyon had been executed along with about a dozen other North Korean performers in 2013. Asked by reporters about the rumors as she arrived at her hotel in Beijing, Ms. Hyon smiled and replied, “Where do you come from?” |
| Chinese Internet users also mocked North Korea’s claim to have developed a hydrogen bomb, a sharp contrast with the fawning state-controlled coverage that Mr. Kim’s father received on his visits to China. | Chinese Internet users also mocked North Korea’s claim to have developed a hydrogen bomb, a sharp contrast with the fawning state-controlled coverage that Mr. Kim’s father received on his visits to China. |
| The Chinese government eventually began deleting all comments about the Moranbong Band from social media. But by then, the women had already left town. | The Chinese government eventually began deleting all comments about the Moranbong Band from social media. But by then, the women had already left town. |