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Donald Trump and Paul Ryan Meet to Narrow Chasm and Forge Party Unity Donald Trump and Paul Ryan Move Toward Ending Standoff and Forging Unity
(about 5 hours later)
WASHINGTON — Donald J. Trump and House Speaker Paul D. Ryan appeared to take half a step back from their political standoff on Thursday, as Mr. Trump toured Washington for a swirl of meetings with Republicans concerned about the direction of his presidential campaign. WASHINGTON — Donald J. Trump and House Speaker Paul D. Ryan appeared to take half a step back from their political standoff on Thursday, as Mr. Trump toured Washington for a swirl of meetings with Republican lawmakers concerned about the direction of his presidential campaign.
Mr. Ryan and Mr. Trump have clashed over the last week, after Mr. Ryan indicated he was not ready to endorse Mr. Trump, citing concerns about his political style and policy agenda. The two men met at the Republican National Committee first thing on Thursday morning, with Reince Priebus, the committee’s chairman, as a chaperone. In public, Mr. Ryan praised Mr. Trump, the presumptive Republican presidential nominee, as “warm and genuine,” and declared that a process of reconciliation was underway. Behind closed doors, Mr. Trump pulled back his threat to remove Mr. Ryan as the chairman of the Republican nominating convention, and offered to help elect G.O.P. candidates running for the House and the Senate.
Mr. Ryan gave no public signal that he was poised to back Mr. Trump, and two people briefed on their private meeting said they did not discuss a possible endorsement. But in effusive remarks after the sit-down, Mr. Ryan insisted that the party leadership was not on the brink of an irreparable split. Significant fissures remain between Mr. Trump and Republican congressional leaders: Mr. Ryan reminded him privately that many voters opposed him in the primaries, and in a separate meeting with senators, several lawmakers urged Mr. Trump to moderate his tone on immigration.
At a news conference, Mr. Ryan said he had found the meeting encouraging and pleasant, but that it would take more than one session to bring the party together. The Wisconsin lawmaker said he and Mr. Trump had discussed the constitutional separation of powers, Supreme Court justices and abortion, among other subjects. But the abrupt shift in posture toward Mr. Trump, especially from Mr. Ryan, represented a remarkable turnaround. Only a week ago, Mr. Ryan took the unusual step of announcing on television that he was “just not ready to support” Mr. Trump. (Mr. Trump responded at the time by saying he was “not ready to support Speaker Ryan’s agenda.”)
Mr. Ryan said he had found Mr. Trump a “very warm and genuine person.” On Thursday, Mr. Ryan appeared to be cautiously leaning in the direction of a growing group of Republicans who have decided that embracing Mr. Trump is their best defense against Democrats maintaining the White House for another four years. “Going forward, we’re going to go a little deeper in the policy weeds to make sure we have a better understanding of one another,” Mr. Ryan said.
“It was important that we discussed our differences that we have,” Mr. Ryan said in a news conference. “But it was also important that we discuss the core principles that tie us together.”
Mr. Trump also met with the broader House leadership team and with Senator Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the majority leader, and his leadership team, a meeting the Trump team had requested. In wide-ranging discussions that touched on trade, abortion, Supreme Court justices and tax policy, several lawmakers said, they stressed to Mr. Trump the need to have a unified policy agenda and made gentle suggestions on how to modulate his tone, to recapture the White House and to prevent damage to Republican candidates down the ballot.
On matters of immigration, in particular, Mr. Trump was told, “There is a way to talk about issues that people don’t find offensive,” Senator John Cornyn of Texas said.
Mr. Ryan and Mr. Trump met at the Republican National Committee for 45 minutes on Thursday morning, with Reince Priebus, the committee’s chairman, as their chaperone.
Mr. Ryan gave no public signal that he was poised to back Mr. Trump, and two people briefed on their private meeting said they did not discuss a possible endorsement. Mr. Ryan told Mr. Trump that while he wants to support him, their staffs must keep talking, people briefed on the conversation said.
But in effusive remarks after the sit-down, Mr. Ryan insisted that the party leadership was not on the brink of an irreparable split.
“Donald Trump and I have had our differences — we talked about those differences today,” Mr. Ryan said, adding, “I do believe that we are now planting the seeds to get ourselves unified.”“Donald Trump and I have had our differences — we talked about those differences today,” Mr. Ryan said, adding, “I do believe that we are now planting the seeds to get ourselves unified.”
With his conciliatory language toward Mr. Trump, Mr. Ryan embarked on a perilous gamble with the volatile force of the businessman’s personality — which the speaker characterized as “very good” — and with Mr. Trump’s shape-shifting on policy.With his conciliatory language toward Mr. Trump, Mr. Ryan embarked on a perilous gamble with the volatile force of the businessman’s personality — which the speaker characterized as “very good” — and with Mr. Trump’s shape-shifting on policy.
While Mr. Ryan noted that Mr. Trump had expressed openness to his policy positions, about 12 hours earlier Mr. Trump was calling for a hike in the federal minimum wage, as part of a series of insulting Twitter messages aimed at Senator Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts, a Democrat. While Mr. Ryan noted that Mr. Trump had expressed openness to his policy positions, about 12 hours earlier Mr. Trump was calling for an increase in the federal minimum wage, as part of a series of insulting Twitter messages aimed at Senator Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts, a Democrat.
Mr. Ryan risks getting on board with one Trump, only to possibly find a new version making statements he finds untenable, even repugnant, weeks or months later. Mr. Ryan, along with other Republicans who sounded even more won over by Mr. Trump on Thursday, risks getting on board with one Trump, only to possibly find a new version making statements he finds untenable, even repugnant, weeks or months later.
Still, Mr. Ryan’s remarks about Mr. Trump are likely to help ease the friction between the two camps, and perhaps to buy the speaker and his conference some additional time as they decide how to handle their new standard-bearer. “I totally endorse him,” said Senator Orrin G. Hatch of Utah, where Mr. Trump is viewed largely unfavorably. “Judge him by his children,” Mr. Hatch said, noting that Mr. Trump’s son-in-law, Jared Kushner, attended the meeting with senators. The focus of the agenda, Mr. Hatch said, was trade, tax policy and immigration, adding that Mr. Trump largely listened.
The next step, Mr. Ryan said, would be to “go deeper into the policy areas” where there may be disagreements between congressional Republicans and Mr. Trump. Mr. Ryan and Mr. Trump hold divergent views on issues including immigration, trade and government-funded retirement programs. Mr. Ryan’s remarks are likely to help ease the friction between the two camps, at least for the moment, and perhaps to buy the speaker and his conference some time as they decide how to handle their new standard-bearer.
Mr. Trump and his critics in party leadership have sought to present at least a facade of unity in recent days. Mr. Priebus said in a CNN interview that there was “very good chemistry” between Mr. Trump and Mr. Ryan. Conflicting forces have tugged at Mr. Ryan since Mr. Trump emerged as the presumptive nominee. Within the Republican conference, there is a growing group of lawmakers who have endorsed Mr. Trump, but also a number of Republicans in difficult re-election races who want the freedom to break openly with their party’s candidate for president. And opposition to Mr. Trump runs high among political donors and conservative intellectuals supportive of Mr. Ryan and his agenda.
And if Mr. Ryan did not hint that he was ready to declare his support for Mr. Trump, he also gave little indication that he planned to keep up his pointed critique of the presumptive Republican nominee. The next step, Mr. Ryan said, would be to “go deeper into the policy areas” where there may be disagreements between congressional Republicans and Mr. Trump. Should Mr. Trump defy Mr. Ryan on policy, the speaker has so far reserved the right to back away from their uneasy relationship.
Mr. Trump’s pilgrimage to Washington posed a critical test for his candidacy at the onset of the general election campaign. His ability to compete against his likely Democratic opponent, Hillary Clinton, depends in no small measure on his success in raising money from mainstream donors and proving to middle-of-the-road voters that he is more than a flame-throwing populist. Mr. Trump’s pilgrimage to Washington posed a critical test for his candidacy at the onset of the general election campaign. Without the blessing of Republican leaders in Congress, Mr. Trump could be frozen out by major party donors and viewed with even deeper suspicion by the middle-of-the-road voters he would need to compete against his likely Democratic opponent, Hillary Clinton.
The atmosphere around Thursday’s meeting had a variety-show quality to it: Outside, a crush of cameras, reporters, party faithful and gawkers were joined by a few protesters chanting “R.I.P., G.O.P.!” One wore an oversized papier-mâché head and a “Trump” placard and clutched a cartoonish moneybag. Inside the building, young Republican National Committee employees pressed against the windows, peering out and taking photos of the scene. In a gesture uncharacteristic of Mr. Trump’s campaign, he also spoke by phone on Wednesday with Senator Lindsey Graham of South Carolina, an implacable Trump critic whom Mr. Trump has savaged in the past. Mr. Graham released a statement saying they had a “good 15-minute discussion,” mainly on matters of national security, though his own vow not to vote for Mr. Trump remained unchanged.
Mr. Trump also met with the broader House leadership team, including Representative Kevin McCarthy of California, the majority leader, one of the few House leaders to enthusiastically embrace Mr. Trump. He was also expected to meet with Senator Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the majority leader, and his leadership team, a meeting the Trump team had requested. As the meetings began, Democrats commenced with a bit of political parallel play, mocking Mr. Trump and trying hard to tie Republican members of Congress to his more contentious statements. “Since Senator McConnell has so enthusiastically embraced Trump,” Senator Harry Reid of Nevada, the minority leader, said on the Senate floor Thursday, “we can only assume he agrees with Trump’s view that women are dogs and pigs.”
“I’m someone like many who would love to see him tone it down,” Senator John Thune, Republican of South Dakota and a member of the Senate leadership team, said in an interview with Fox News on Thursday morning.
As the meetings began, Democrats commenced with a bit of political parallel play, mocking Mr. Trump and trying hard to tie Republican members of Congress to his more contentious statements. “Since Senator McConnell has so enthusiastically embraced Trump,” Senator Harry Reid, Democrat of Nevada, the minority leader, said on the Senate floor Thursday, “we can only assume he agrees with Trump’s view that women are dogs and pigs.”
In some respects, Mr. Trump’s meetings with Mr. Ryan and with the Senate leaders resemble a kind of custody negotiation between estranged parents, with the Republican Party caught in the middle. Intense distrust plagues the relationship, rooted in a fundamental divergence of worldview and exacerbated by petty slights during the 2016 primary race.In some respects, Mr. Trump’s meetings with Mr. Ryan and with the Senate leaders resemble a kind of custody negotiation between estranged parents, with the Republican Party caught in the middle. Intense distrust plagues the relationship, rooted in a fundamental divergence of worldview and exacerbated by petty slights during the 2016 primary race.
Yet, for both Mr. Trump and the congressional leaders, the political incentives are all heavily in favor of conciliation — or at least, the appearance of good will. Despite considerable differences on matters of both policy and campaign strategy, it is in no one’s interest for them to air those disagreements on a continual basis. Both Mr. Trump’s team and, separately, Republican leaders have huddled — Mr. Ryan and Mr. Priebus, in a meeting on Tuesday — to choreograph their goals for Thursday’s sessions, in which the publicly stated objective is “party unity.” Yet, for Mr. Trump and the congressional leaders, the political incentives are heavily in favor of conciliation — or at least the appearance of good will. Despite considerable differences on matters of policy and campaign strategy, it is in no one’s interest for them to air those disagreements continually.
In March, Mr. Trump stopped in the nation’s capital for a whirlwind, circuslike visit in which he tried to project the serious image of a commander in chief. His return less than two months later followed his extraordinary and unexpected success in all but securing the Republican nomination, but also Mr. Ryan’s equally extraordinary and unexpected public rebuke. Mr. Trump said he did not aim to change the party platform, a commitment one Trump adviser had described beforehand as a potential “give point” in the talks. Indeed, Mr. McConnell will choose the person who actually writes the party platform, and will probably have more control than Mr. Trump on that front unless Mr. Trump chooses to push back.
Kevin Madden, a Republican strategist and adviser to Mitt Romney’s campaign in 2012, said there was little chance of a conclusive peacemaking event on Thursday. At the same time, it seemed increasingly clear that some Republicans, noting the popularity of Mr. Trump’s anti-free-trade message across the country, may be open to accommodating his point of view.
“Given the way the primary was litigated, it’s clear that unity can’t just be ordered up,” he said. “It won’t just all of a sudden happen in one meeting. Healing isn’t an event, it’s a process.” “It certainly is causing people to look at the broader implications of trade agreements,” said Senator Susan Collins Maine. Senator Lamar Alexander Tennessee, also said that the resonance of Mr. Trump’s policy messages could no longer be ignored.
There were some indications before Thursday’s meetings that the House speaker and presumptive nominee might be prepared to inch closer to each other, in at least a few areas. Mr. Ryan said at a news conference on Wednesday that it was essential for Republicans to defeat Mrs. Clinton, a task that would be all but impossible to achieve without supporting Mr. Trump. “We need to listen to the people,” he said.
In public, Mr. Trump has treated Mr. Ryan more gently than other critics of Mr. Trump within the Republican Party, complaining that Mr. Ryan was not helping party unity but declining to savage him in the personal language — or the fiery Twitter missives — he has employed against other adversaries.
And in private, Mr. Trump has appeared willing to massage elements of his policy vision that are in tension with the agenda of congressional Republicans. Mr. Trump has already met with several conservative economists about adjusting his tax plan to make it less costly, and advisers have said he is willing to accommodate Mr. Ryan in some areas.
The party platform, one Trump adviser said, was a potential “give point” in a conversation with Mr. Ryan. The adviser spoke on the condition of anonymity in order to be candid about preparations for a private meeting.
Mr. Ryan also met on Wednesday with roughly a dozen House members who support Mr. Trump, a meeting the lawmakers requested to air their grievances with Mr. Ryan’s comments about Mr. Trump last week. Mr. Ryan, according to several people who were briefed on the meeting, echoed themes he had addressed on Wednesday in a closed-door conference session, including the need for party unity — which he said would be a “process” — and adherence to general conservative principles like limited government.
“Donald Trump is our nominee, and I feel like we all need to get together to support him and we can work on policy going forward,” said Representative Scott DesJarlais, Republican of Tennessee, who attended the meeting. “That’s the message we shared with the speaker.”
Mr. DesJarlais, a member of the conservative House Freedom Caucus, many of whose members have been especially critical of Mr. Trump, said he was working to organize a meeting in the coming weeks between Mr. Trump and the caucus.
Mr. Trump, who has a limited network of contacts in Washington and employs few experienced national political consultants, has leaned heavily on a top aide to Senator Jeff Sessions of Alabama in Washington in recent days, Republicans familiar with Mr. Trump’s outreach said. The aide, Rick Dearborn, Mr. Sessions’s chief of staff, has been a principal point of contact between the Trump campaign and congressional leaders. Mr. Sessions has been a vigorous supporter of Mr. Trump’s campaign.
Stephen Moore, a conservative economist and an informal adviser to Mr. Trump, described him as open to suggestion and negotiation.
“Trump wants to do tax reform and that’s something Paul’s talked about for 10 years; he wants to repeal Obamacare and replace it with market-based alternatives,” Mr. Moore said, referring to similarities between Mr. Trump and Mr. Ryan. “I kind of think that the differences have been exaggerated. I think they’re more stylistic than they have been policy-wise.”
Mr. Moore acknowledged a few areas where Mr. Trump and Mr. Ryan would simply not see eye to eye — trade, for one — but suggested some form of peace was eminently achievable.
“He is a negotiator,” Mr. Moore said. “For better or worse, he will make deals to get things done.”