'Brazil Workers’ Party, Leaders ‘Intoxicated by Power,’ Falls From Grace' diff viewer (2/3)

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Brazil Workers’ Party, Leaders ‘Intoxicated by Power,’ Falls From Grace	Brazil Workers’ Party, Leaders ‘Intoxicated by Power,’ Falls From Grace
2016-05-13 04:30:13 UTC	2016-05-13 17:50:11 UTC (about 13 hours later)
BRASÍLIA — From its earliest days as a scrappy band of Marxists defying Brazil’s military rulers, the Workers’ Party grew to become one of world’s most enduring leftist movements — an electoral powerhouse that dominated the nation’s politics for more than a decade.	BRASÍLIA — From its earliest days as a scrappy band of Marxists defying Brazil’s military rulers, the Workers’ Party grew to become one of world’s most enduring leftist movements — an electoral powerhouse that dominated the nation’s politics for more than a decade.
But Brazil’s Senate dealt it a crippling blow on Thursday, voting to suspend President Dilma Rousseff and tossing out the political organization that has governed Latin America’s largest nation for 13 years, the longest reign of a democratically elected party in Brazilian history.	But Brazil’s Senate dealt it a crippling blow on Thursday, voting to suspend President Dilma Rousseff and tossing out the political organization that has governed Latin America’s largest nation for 13 years, the longest reign of a democratically elected party in Brazilian history.
“The Workers’ Party was a party of hope, but its leaders got intoxicated by power, and now that hope has been dashed,” said Hélio Bicudo, 93, an early member of the party and a former legislator who defected in 2005.	“The Workers’ Party was a party of hope, but its leaders got intoxicated by power, and now that hope has been dashed,” said Hélio Bicudo, 93, an early member of the party and a former legislator who defected in 2005.
After a decade of soaring popularity, the fortunes of the Workers’ Party were pummeled by a raging economic crisis and a colossal corruption scandal that felled some of its top leaders.	After a decade of soaring popularity, the fortunes of the Workers’ Party were pummeled by a raging economic crisis and a colossal corruption scandal that felled some of its top leaders.
While millions of Brazilians were slipping back into poverty, the party that had come to power vowing to represent the masses and drive out impunity was taking part in the same kind of corruption that had long characterized the country’s ruling classes.	While millions of Brazilians were slipping back into poverty, the party that had come to power vowing to represent the masses and drive out impunity was taking part in the same kind of corruption that had long characterized the country’s ruling classes.
Although Ms. Rousseff has not been accused of graft — her impeachment trial is based on a budgetary sleight of hand intended to enhance her re-election prospects — corruption scandals have tarnished the reputation of her mentor, former President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, the Workers’ Party standard-bearer who picked her to be his successor and had planned to run again in 2018.	Although Ms. Rousseff has not been accused of graft — her impeachment trial is based on a budgetary sleight of hand intended to enhance her re-election prospects — corruption scandals have tarnished the reputation of her mentor, former President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, the Workers’ Party standard-bearer who picked her to be his successor and had planned to run again in 2018.
Mr. da Silva has yet to be charged with a crime, but federal prosecutors are investigating his role in a scheme that involved funneling money from the national oil company into the Workers’ Party campaign coffers.	Mr. da Silva has yet to be charged with a crime, but federal prosecutors are investigating his role in a scheme that involved funneling money from the national oil company into the Workers’ Party campaign coffers.
An array of top allies of Mr. da Silva, including senior members of the party, have been imprisoned or are under investigation for their involvement in the scheme, which distributed billions of dollars in bribes to figures across the political spectrum.	An array of top allies of Mr. da Silva, including senior members of the party, have been imprisoned or are under investigation for their involvement in the scheme, which distributed billions of dollars in bribes to figures across the political spectrum.
Even in a nation inured to systemic corruption, the fall of a party once devoted to transparency and clean government has deepened mistrust of politics.	Even in a nation inured to systemic corruption, the fall of a party once devoted to transparency and clean government has deepened mistrust of politics.
It also threatens to upend some of the accomplishments of the party, a political juggernaut that even critics concede helped ease the crushing poverty and economic disparity that has long plagued this nation of 200 million.	It also threatens to upend some of the accomplishments of the party, a political juggernaut that even critics concede helped ease the crushing poverty and economic disparity that has long plagued this nation of 200 million.
“That the Workers’ Party sullied itself by getting involved in all this corruption, this is a tragedy, maybe the major tragedy of what is happening today,” said José Murilo de Carvalho, a historian.	“That the Workers’ Party sullied itself by getting involved in all this corruption, this is a tragedy, maybe the major tragedy of what is happening today,” said José Murilo de Carvalho, a historian.
In recent weeks, more than 130 mayors who won office on the Workers’ Party ticket have switched parties, and nearly 30 deputies in the lower house of Congress, roughly half of its caucus, have suggested they might do the same, according to tallies in the Brazilian news media.	In recent weeks, more than 130 mayors who won office on the Workers’ Party ticket have switched parties, and nearly 30 deputies in the lower house of Congress, roughly half of its caucus, have suggested they might do the same, according to tallies in the Brazilian news media.
Other parties took part in the graft scheme. But emboldened by Ms. Rousseff’s political demise, her opponents in the legislature are working to reverse some of her party’s hallmarks, including stringent environmental rules, protections for indigenous Brazilians in the Amazon and laws criminalizing abusive work conditions on cattle ranches.	Other parties took part in the graft scheme. But emboldened by Ms. Rousseff’s political demise, her opponents in the legislature are working to reverse some of her party’s hallmarks, including stringent environmental rules, protections for indigenous Brazilians in the Amazon and laws criminalizing abusive work conditions on cattle ranches.
Jan Rocha, an author of the book “Brazil Under the Workers’ Party,” said such efforts, if successful, could stoke class divisions and provoke a violent backlash from disenfranchised Brazilians who stand to lose the most from a rollback of the party’s policies.	Jan Rocha, an author of the book “Brazil Under the Workers’ Party,” said such efforts, if successful, could stoke class divisions and provoke a violent backlash from disenfranchised Brazilians who stand to lose the most from a rollback of the party’s policies.
“The Workers’ Party represented an attempt to change the political landscape in Brazil and give a voice to all the millions of Brazilians who never had a voice,” she said. “They lifted millions of people out of poverty, but Brazil still has an awfully long way to go before becoming an equitable society.”	“The Workers’ Party represented an attempt to change the political landscape in Brazil and give a voice to all the millions of Brazilians who never had a voice,” she said. “They lifted millions of people out of poverty, but Brazil still has an awfully long way to go before becoming an equitable society.”
Marked by greed, betrayal and the quest for ever-greater power, the party’s fall from grace has all the elements of a Shakespearean tragedy.	Marked by greed, betrayal and the quest for ever-greater power, the party’s fall from grace has all the elements of a Shakespearean tragedy.
Its main protagonist is Mr. da Silva, 70, who worked as a shoeshine boy before landing a job at a screw factory. From there, he rose to the presidency and oversaw an economic boom.	Its main protagonist is Mr. da Silva, 70, who worked as a shoeshine boy before landing a job at a screw factory. From there, he rose to the presidency and oversaw an economic boom.
Starting in the 1970s, he helped transform a ragtag collection of labor activists, liberal Roman Catholic clergy members and idealistic students into a formidable political movement that stood up to the country’s military leaders.	Starting in the 1970s, he helped transform a ragtag collection of labor activists, liberal Roman Catholic clergy members and idealistic students into a formidable political movement that stood up to the country’s military leaders.
Formed in 1980, the Workers’ Party eschewed strict Marxist dogma and embraced a democratic process for electing its leaders.	Formed in 1980, the Workers’ Party eschewed strict Marxist dogma and embraced a democratic process for electing its leaders.
Mr. da Silva ran for office with the slogan “Land, labor and freedom.”	Mr. da Silva ran for office with the slogan “Land, labor and freedom.”
By the late 1980s, the party’s candidates were winning elections. In 1986, Mr. da Silva was elected to Congress and, two years later, a Workers’ Party candidate won the mayoralty of São Paulo, the country’s largest city. Mr. da Silva then set his sights on the presidency.	By the late 1980s, the party’s candidates were winning elections. In 1986, Mr. da Silva was elected to Congress and, two years later, a Workers’ Party candidate won the mayoralty of São Paulo, the country’s largest city. Mr. da Silva then set his sights on the presidency.
Universally referred to by the nickname Lula, he was an unlikely political figure whose unpolished syntax and leftist rhetoric rattled the Brazilian elite. But in 1998, after three unsuccessful bids for president, Mr. da Silva changed his strategy. He traded his T-shirts for tailored suits and jettisoned talk of revolutionary change, saying he would honor the $250 ~~million~~ in foreign debt that was then hobbling the Brazilian economy.	Universally referred to by the nickname Lula, he was an unlikely political figure whose unpolished syntax and leftist rhetoric rattled the Brazilian elite. But in 1998, after three unsuccessful bids for president, Mr. da Silva changed his strategy. He traded his T-shirts for tailored suits and jettisoned talk of revolutionary change, saying he would honor the $250 billion in foreign debt that was then hobbling the Brazilian economy.
His new slogan: “Lula, Peace and Love.”	His new slogan: “Lula, Peace and Love.”
In 2002, he harnessed popular anger over economic inequality and rampant graft to win the presidency by a landslide. The austerity measures he introduced and a growing demand for Brazilian commodities helped right the economy, but he quickly found it necessary to make deals with Brazil’s fractious Congress to pass his ambitious legislative agenda.	In 2002, he harnessed popular anger over economic inequality and rampant graft to win the presidency by a landslide. The austerity measures he introduced and a growing demand for Brazilian commodities helped right the economy, but he quickly found it necessary to make deals with Brazil’s fractious Congress to pass his ambitious legislative agenda.
For former party stalwarts like Idelber Avelar, the breaking point came when Mr. da Silva began to dole out patronage posts and form alliances with opposition party bosses who did not share the Workers’ Party’s ideals.	For former party stalwarts like Idelber Avelar, the breaking point came when Mr. da Silva began to dole out patronage posts and form alliances with opposition party bosses who did not share the Workers’ Party’s ideals.
“It represented everything that the party had been fighting against,” said Mr. Avelar, an academic who now lives in the United States. “There were a number of options, but the early choice was made for the politics of making deals behind closed doors.”	“It represented everything that the party had been fighting against,” said Mr. Avelar, an academic who now lives in the United States. “There were a number of options, but the early choice was made for the politics of making deals behind closed doors.”
The accommodation with rent-seeking allies nearly brought down Mr. da Silva’s government in 2005, when a vote-buying scheme that paid opposition lawmakers for their loyalty was exposed by the Brazilian news media. Mr. da Silva weathered the scandal and was re-elected in 2006, but he was substantially weakened by the crisis and was forced to enter into even more alliances to maintain his support in Congress.	The accommodation with rent-seeking allies nearly brought down Mr. da Silva’s government in 2005, when a vote-buying scheme that paid opposition lawmakers for their loyalty was exposed by the Brazilian news media. Mr. da Silva weathered the scandal and was re-elected in 2006, but he was substantially weakened by the crisis and was forced to enter into even more alliances to maintain his support in Congress.
Apparently unchastened by their brush with scandal, Workers’ Party officials were secretly engaged in a huge kickback scheme with executives at Petrobras, the state-owned energy giant. The arrangement involved skimming off billions of dollars from an oil boom and diverting the money to the Workers’ Party and its coalition partners in Congress.	Apparently unchastened by their brush with scandal, Workers’ Party officials were secretly engaged in a huge kickback scheme with executives at Petrobras, the state-owned energy giant. The arrangement involved skimming off billions of dollars from an oil boom and diverting the money to the Workers’ Party and its coalition partners in Congress.
The scandal has shaken the country’s political establishment, with dozens of business executives and party leaders imprisoned or under investigation.	The scandal has shaken the country’s political establishment, with dozens of business executives and party leaders imprisoned or under investigation.
Some of Mr. da Silva’s closest aides are among the fallen, but he has insisted he was unaware of the arrangement.	Some of Mr. da Silva’s closest aides are among the fallen, but he has insisted he was unaware of the arrangement.
“Our greatest achievements were to raise 36 million people out of poverty and elevate 40 million others into the middle class,” Mr. da Silva said in an email this week. “We remain a party that cares about the poor and about social justice.”	“Our greatest achievements were to raise 36 million people out of poverty and elevate 40 million others into the middle class,” Mr. da Silva said in an email this week. “We remain a party that cares about the poor and about social justice.”
Unless he is charged with a crime, many political analysts still expect Mr. da Silva to run for president in two years.	Unless he is charged with a crime, many political analysts still expect Mr. da Silva to run for president in two years.
“In Brazilian politics, you can never throw someone under the bus and think they won’t recover,” said Alfred P. Montero, the author of the book “Brazil: Reversal of Fortune” and a professor at Carleton College. “I’ve been watching these guys since the ’80s, and they always seem to come back.”	“In Brazilian politics, you can never throw someone under the bus and think they won’t recover,” said Alfred P. Montero, the author of the book “Brazil: Reversal of Fortune” and a professor at Carleton College. “I’ve been watching these guys since the ’80s, and they always seem to come back.”
Experts say that despite its current tribulations, the Workers’ Party, with its 500,000 active members, will remain a potent force in Brazilian politics for years to come. The impeachment crisis, some say, may spur a period of introspection that could help reinvigorate the party.	Experts say that despite its current tribulations, the Workers’ Party, with its 500,000 active members, will remain a potent force in Brazilian politics for years to come. The impeachment crisis, some say, may spur a period of introspection that could help reinvigorate the party.
“The Workers’ Party is heading back to the opposition, which perhaps is just what the doctor ordered,” Mr. Montero said.	“The Workers’ Party is heading back to the opposition, which perhaps is just what the doctor ordered,” Mr. Montero said.
For now, the Workers’ Party faithful are engaged in soul-searching. Did the party abandon its ideals in the heady rush of power? Or were its leaders adapting to a flawed, entrenched system?	For now, the Workers’ Party faithful are engaged in soul-searching. Did the party abandon its ideals in the heady rush of power? Or were its leaders adapting to a flawed, entrenched system?
Lincoln Secco, a professor of contemporary history at the University of São Paulo and an early party member, said Mr. da Silva made a fateful error during his first months in power by not seeking to push through difficult political changes, including an overhaul of a campaign finance system that is heavily reliant on corporate donors.	Lincoln Secco, a professor of contemporary history at the University of São Paulo and an early party member, said Mr. da Silva made a fateful error during his first months in power by not seeking to push through difficult political changes, including an overhaul of a campaign finance system that is heavily reliant on corporate donors.
“If the party doesn’t confront the political system, there is no other way to govern in Brazil than to enter into rotten alliances,” he said. “They chose the easier way.”	“If the party doesn’t confront the political system, there is no other way to govern in Brazil than to enter into rotten alliances,” he said. “They chose the easier way.”