'Jeremy Corbyn must be true to his party on the EU, if not to himself Jeremy Corbyn must be true to his party on the EU, if not to himself' diff viewer (3/4)

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~~Jeremy Corbyn must be true to his party on the EU, if not to himself~~	Jeremy Corbyn must be true to his party on the EU, if not to himself Jeremy Corbyn must be true to his party on the EU, if not to himself
2016-12-07 08:05:18 UTC	2016-12-07 14:56:16 UTC (about 7 hours later)
The EU referendum exposes key political figures to the great Shakespearean question: to whom or what am I loyal? Earlier this year the justice secretary, Michael Gove, agonised over whether to be loyal to his friends, David Cameron and George Osborne, or to his conviction that the UK should leave the EU. He chose his conviction, and if he is on the winning side he will have destroyed the careers of his two friends. Some say that when Boris Johnson wrestled with the dilemma he chose loyalty to personal ambition although it was probably more complicated than that. Dilemmas usually are.	The EU referendum exposes key political figures to the great Shakespearean question: to whom or what am I loyal? Earlier this year the justice secretary, Michael Gove, agonised over whether to be loyal to his friends, David Cameron and George Osborne, or to his conviction that the UK should leave the EU. He chose his conviction, and if he is on the winning side he will have destroyed the careers of his two friends. Some say that when Boris Johnson wrestled with the dilemma he chose loyalty to personal ambition although it was probably more complicated than that. Dilemmas usually are.
The most complex and arguably the most significant are the loyalties of Jeremy Corbyn. Labour MPs tell me that the position of their traditional supporters is “flaky”. A senior figure from the north of England reports that nine out of 10 of her voters are for “out”. Another says that immigration is topping any other issue in driving his voters towards Brexit. A poll suggests that 45% of Labour voters do not know the party’s position on the EU.	The most complex and arguably the most significant are the loyalties of Jeremy Corbyn. Labour MPs tell me that the position of their traditional supporters is “flaky”. A senior figure from the north of England reports that nine out of 10 of her voters are for “out”. Another says that immigration is topping any other issue in driving his voters towards Brexit. A poll suggests that 45% of Labour voters do not know the party’s position on the EU.
Partly unfairly, Corbyn is being blamed by some MPs for not campaigning more robustly. But some MPs and parts of the media would hold him responsible for heavy rain this weekend or England losing to Russia in the European Championship. Corbyn campaigns every day. His speeches are not as hostile to the EU as some reports suggest. To each rally he puts a strong case for Europe-wide cooperation in key policy areas.	Partly unfairly, Corbyn is being blamed by some MPs for not campaigning more robustly. But some MPs and parts of the media would hold him responsible for heavy rain this weekend or England losing to Russia in the European Championship. Corbyn campaigns every day. His speeches are not as hostile to the EU as some reports suggest. To each rally he puts a strong case for Europe-wide cooperation in key policy areas.
It is not at all unusual for party leaders to keep a relatively low profile in referendums. In the 1975 referendum Harold Wilson and Margaret Thatcher, the leaders of the two main parties, were not prominent. The main Conservative campaigner for “in” was Thatcher’s predecessor, Edward Heath, who looked furious on the few occasions when they shared a platform.	It is not at all unusual for party leaders to keep a relatively low profile in referendums. In the 1975 referendum Harold Wilson and Margaret Thatcher, the leaders of the two main parties, were not prominent. The main Conservative campaigner for “in” was Thatcher’s predecessor, Edward Heath, who looked furious on the few occasions when they shared a platform.
Even so, if this were a referendum on, say, whether the UK should oppose the renewal of Trident I suspect we would have seen a lot more of the Labour leader. By that I mean we would have seen him on more of the outlets watched by millions.	Even so, if this were a referendum on, say, whether the UK should oppose the renewal of Trident I suspect we would have seen a lot more of the Labour leader. By that I mean we would have seen him on more of the outlets watched by millions.
Corbyn has an understandable wariness of the mainstream media, but even in the world of Facebook, Twitter and Vice it is still the more orthodox outlets that command big audiences. Some of the TV debates this week have attracted more than 4 million viewers. Cameron was on peak-time ITV putting his case. George Osborne went up against Andrew Neil. Corbyn, thus far, nowhere to be seen.	Corbyn has an understandable wariness of the mainstream media, but even in the world of Facebook, Twitter and Vice it is still the more orthodox outlets that command big audiences. Some of the TV debates this week have attracted more than 4 million viewers. Cameron was on peak-time ITV putting his case. George Osborne went up against Andrew Neil. Corbyn, thus far, nowhere to be seen.
The question of conflicting loyalties that burdens all leaders and aspiring leaders is especially vivid for Corbyn. From 1983, when first elected as an MP, he answered the question with ease. Always he was loyal to his convictions, voting against the leadership when necessary. There were no agonies for him about whether there was a greater loyalty to party unity or to personal ambition. Then towards the end of his career he triumphantly acquired the crown, succeeding where many of those loyal to personal ambition have failed.	The question of conflicting loyalties that burdens all leaders and aspiring leaders is especially vivid for Corbyn. From 1983, when first elected as an MP, he answered the question with ease. Always he was loyal to his convictions, voting against the leadership when necessary. There were no agonies for him about whether there was a greater loyalty to party unity or to personal ambition. Then towards the end of his career he triumphantly acquired the crown, succeeding where many of those loyal to personal ambition have failed.
Suddenly the question of loyalty takes new forms for him. Is he loyal to his convictions, party unity, winning an election? I assume that nowhere has the dilemma been more acute than over how to play the referendum.	Suddenly the question of loyalty takes new forms for him. Is he loyal to his convictions, party unity, winning an election? I assume that nowhere has the dilemma been more acute than over how to play the referendum.
Corbyn is a follower of Tony Benn. During last year’s leadership contest he told a friend that he thought of Tony every day and it kept him going. From giving greater powers to local Labour parties to unilateral nuclear disarmament, and on to his opposition to military action in Syria, Corbyn is doing what Benn would have done.	Corbyn is a follower of Tony Benn. During last year’s leadership contest he told a friend that he thought of Tony every day and it kept him going. From giving greater powers to local Labour parties to unilateral nuclear disarmament, and on to his opposition to military action in Syria, Corbyn is doing what Benn would have done.
There is a single very big exception to this pattern and it is over the EU referendum. Benn was a passionate opponent of the UK’s membership, largely on the grounds of democratic accountability. In the 1975 referendum Benn put forward arguments similar to those being advanced by Michael Gove in the current campaign. Gove has become a prominent Tory Bennite, and Corbyn is Labour’s most prominent Bennite.	There is a single very big exception to this pattern and it is over the EU referendum. Benn was a passionate opponent of the UK’s membership, largely on the grounds of democratic accountability. In the 1975 referendum Benn put forward arguments similar to those being advanced by Michael Gove in the current campaign. Gove has become a prominent Tory Bennite, and Corbyn is Labour’s most prominent Bennite.
But Corbyn is a Bennite who backs the remain campaign. Often he is an advocate at a distance, stating: “The Labour party has a clear position in favour of staying in the EU.”	But Corbyn is a Bennite who backs the remain campaign. Often he is an advocate at a distance, stating: “The Labour party has a clear position in favour of staying in the EU.”
In a recent interview, Robert Peston cited the prediction of Corbyn’s brother that, in the privacy of the polling station, the Labour leader would vote to leave. Corbyn’s response was witty but evasive: “My brother is a weather forecaster and not a psychiatrist.” This was a limited rebuttal.	In a recent interview, Robert Peston cited the prediction of Corbyn’s brother that, in the privacy of the polling station, the Labour leader would vote to leave. Corbyn’s response was witty but evasive: “My brother is a weather forecaster and not a psychiatrist.” This was a limited rebuttal.
It would be wrong to conclude that Corbyn is an unequivocal believer in “out”. He has chosen loyalty to his principles in other policy areas, supporting nuclear disarmament and opposing military action in Syria. Evidently, with some qualifications, he could see enough of a case for the EU to be able to prioritise party unity on this issue. But there is little point adopting such a position if voters conclude that deep down Corbyn backs “out”, or have no idea whether Labour has a position or not.	It would be wrong to conclude that Corbyn is an unequivocal believer in “out”. He has chosen loyalty to his principles in other policy areas, supporting nuclear disarmament and opposing military action in Syria. Evidently, with some qualifications, he could see enough of a case for the EU to be able to prioritise party unity on this issue. But there is little point adopting such a position if voters conclude that deep down Corbyn backs “out”, or have no idea whether Labour has a position or not.
With his distinctive public stance of sceptical support Corbyn might sway some doubters on the left and make more sense of his party’s wider campaign. There are plenty of model advocates. Both Caroline Lucas and Nicola Sturgeon have made powerful leftwing cases for membership. Corbyn can be a good interviewee on political programmes. But his suspicion of broadcasting outlets combines with ambiguity over the EU to convey distance rather than commitment.	With his distinctive public stance of sceptical support Corbyn might sway some doubters on the left and make more sense of his party’s wider campaign. There are plenty of model advocates. Both Caroline Lucas and Nicola Sturgeon have made powerful leftwing cases for membership. Corbyn can be a good interviewee on political programmes. But his suspicion of broadcasting outlets combines with ambiguity over the EU to convey distance rather than commitment.
In the late 1980s, when Neil Kinnock was battling to persuade his party to drop its commitment to unilateral nuclear disarmament, a BBC interviewer asked him: “As leader of your party what is your personal position now on unilateralism?” Kinnock replied that “being leader of the Labour party and having a personal position is a contradiction in terms”.	In the late 1980s, when Neil Kinnock was battling to persuade his party to drop its commitment to unilateral nuclear disarmament, a BBC interviewer asked him: “As leader of your party what is your personal position now on unilateralism?” Kinnock replied that “being leader of the Labour party and having a personal position is a contradiction in terms”.
In the constant battle over loyalties a leader must show loyalty to the decision he has taken or has been forced to take by circumstance. Corbyn is for remain. He has a duty to reach the biggest possible audiences to explain why, whatever his private doubts. Leadership and loyalty take many forms and the stakes over the next fortnight are stratospherically high.	In the constant battle over loyalties a leader must show loyalty to the decision he has taken or has been forced to take by circumstance. Corbyn is for remain. He has a duty to reach the biggest possible audiences to explain why, whatever his private doubts. Leadership and loyalty take many forms and the stakes over the next fortnight are stratospherically high.