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| Saudi Arabia, Blamed for Spawning Jihadists, Is Again Their Target | Saudi Arabia, Blamed for Spawning Jihadists, Is Again Their Target |
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| BEIRUT, Lebanon — The images have looped on Saudi television stations. The hospital parking lot where a man blew himself up. The remains of a suicide bomber lying in the street. The black smoke rising near the resting place of the Prophet Muhammad, one of the holiest places in Islam. | BEIRUT, Lebanon — The images have looped on Saudi television stations. The hospital parking lot where a man blew himself up. The remains of a suicide bomber lying in the street. The black smoke rising near the resting place of the Prophet Muhammad, one of the holiest places in Islam. |
| Three apparently coordinated attacks in different cities on Monday were a shocking reminder that years after it clamped down on a domestic terrorism campaign by Al Qaeda, Saudi Arabia is again facing a jihadist threat — this time from the Islamic State. | Three apparently coordinated attacks in different cities on Monday were a shocking reminder that years after it clamped down on a domestic terrorism campaign by Al Qaeda, Saudi Arabia is again facing a jihadist threat — this time from the Islamic State. |
| As countries around the world are struggling to deal with the kind of terrorist violence that struck in Istanbul; Dhaka, Bangladesh; and Baghdad in the past week or so, Saudi Arabia often finds fingers pointed at it. The country has been criticized for nurturing and exporting a fundamentalist version of Islam that shares a basis with jihadist creeds, and for aiding some of those groups as proxies in its geopolitical battle against Iran. | As countries around the world are struggling to deal with the kind of terrorist violence that struck in Istanbul; Dhaka, Bangladesh; and Baghdad in the past week or so, Saudi Arabia often finds fingers pointed at it. The country has been criticized for nurturing and exporting a fundamentalist version of Islam that shares a basis with jihadist creeds, and for aiding some of those groups as proxies in its geopolitical battle against Iran. |
| But at the same time, the Saudi state is proving no more immune to jihadist attacks. | But at the same time, the Saudi state is proving no more immune to jihadist attacks. |
| No one has claimed responsibility for Monday’s blasts, although they resembled previous attacks by the Islamic State, also known as ISIS or ISIL. Like Al Qaeda before them, the new jihadists have heaped scorn on the Saudi royal family and put toppling the monarchy near the top of their wish list. | No one has claimed responsibility for Monday’s blasts, although they resembled previous attacks by the Islamic State, also known as ISIS or ISIL. Like Al Qaeda before them, the new jihadists have heaped scorn on the Saudi royal family and put toppling the monarchy near the top of their wish list. |
| Both the government and the religious establisment have mobilized against the threat. The security services, headed by Crown Prince Mohammed bin Nayef, have imprisoned more than 5,000 suspects, some of whom are put through a reform program aimed at deterring them from rebellion. And goverment clerics denouce the jihadists from their pulpits. | |
| The last time Saudi Arabia faced such a threat was when Al Qaeda staged a series of attacks in the kingdom in 2003. The state’s security services hit back hard, arresting and executing many operatives, and by 2008, the kingdom seemed to have mostly stamped out the problem. | The last time Saudi Arabia faced such a threat was when Al Qaeda staged a series of attacks in the kingdom in 2003. The state’s security services hit back hard, arresting and executing many operatives, and by 2008, the kingdom seemed to have mostly stamped out the problem. |
| Things remained relatively calm until 2014, when the Islamic State, adopting many criticisms that were similar to what drove Osama bin Laden, staged a new series of attacks, mostly targeting Shiite mosques and the security services. It has carried out more than two dozen attacks since then, killing dozens. | Things remained relatively calm until 2014, when the Islamic State, adopting many criticisms that were similar to what drove Osama bin Laden, staged a new series of attacks, mostly targeting Shiite mosques and the security services. It has carried out more than two dozen attacks since then, killing dozens. |
| Ideologically, the battle between the Islamic State and Saudi Arabia is essentially over whose model for Islamic statehood is correct. And Monday’s blasts reflected the jihadists’ biggest criticisms of the Saudi state. | Ideologically, the battle between the Islamic State and Saudi Arabia is essentially over whose model for Islamic statehood is correct. And Monday’s blasts reflected the jihadists’ biggest criticisms of the Saudi state. |
| ■ One bomber, identified by Saudi officials on Tuesday as a citizen of Pakistan, struck near the United States Consulate in Jidda. Jihadists going back to Bin Laden have criticized the Saudi government for its alliance with the United States and for counting on Western armed forces to help protect the kingdom. | ■ One bomber, identified by Saudi officials on Tuesday as a citizen of Pakistan, struck near the United States Consulate in Jidda. Jihadists going back to Bin Laden have criticized the Saudi government for its alliance with the United States and for counting on Western armed forces to help protect the kingdom. |
| ■ Another bomber struck near a mosque belonging to the country’s Shiite minority, whose faith is considered heretical by the Saudi religious establishment and by the jihadists, all Sunnis. However, the Islamic State criticizes Saudi Arabia for protecting the Shiites, who like Sunnis go on pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina but whom the Islamic State has marked for death. | ■ Another bomber struck near a mosque belonging to the country’s Shiite minority, whose faith is considered heretical by the Saudi religious establishment and by the jihadists, all Sunnis. However, the Islamic State criticizes Saudi Arabia for protecting the Shiites, who like Sunnis go on pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina but whom the Islamic State has marked for death. |
| ■ The last bomber struck near the Prophet’s Mosque in Medina, a vital stop for millions of pilgrims each year. The Saudi royal family bases much of its legitimacy on its stewardship of the holy sites, so much so that the Saudi king bears the title of “the custodian of the two holy mosques.” | ■ The last bomber struck near the Prophet’s Mosque in Medina, a vital stop for millions of pilgrims each year. The Saudi royal family bases much of its legitimacy on its stewardship of the holy sites, so much so that the Saudi king bears the title of “the custodian of the two holy mosques.” |
| The Saudi state is based on a historical alliance between the royal family, which manages political, foreign and security affairs, and the clerical establishment, which handles religion and gives legitimacy to the rulers. | The Saudi state is based on a historical alliance between the royal family, which manages political, foreign and security affairs, and the clerical establishment, which handles religion and gives legitimacy to the rulers. |
| The royals have marshaled the religious establishment to address the kingdom’s conservative population, condemning the Islamic State as a deviant sect and preaching obedience to the rulers as a religious duty. | |
| “Saudi Arabia is trying to compete with ISIS in some ways for a pious and religious constituency while saying that mainstream Sunni Islam does not support revolutionary action,” said Jane Kinninmont, a senior research fellow at Chatham House in London who studies Saudi Arabia. | “Saudi Arabia is trying to compete with ISIS in some ways for a pious and religious constituency while saying that mainstream Sunni Islam does not support revolutionary action,” said Jane Kinninmont, a senior research fellow at Chatham House in London who studies Saudi Arabia. |
| It is clear that most Saudis despise the Islamic State’s gratuitous violence, especially toward other Muslims. But the clerics themselves share many beliefs with the jihadists, so they are limited in their ability to criticize. And the royal family needs to keep the clerics loyal, so it cannot push them too far. | It is clear that most Saudis despise the Islamic State’s gratuitous violence, especially toward other Muslims. But the clerics themselves share many beliefs with the jihadists, so they are limited in their ability to criticize. And the royal family needs to keep the clerics loyal, so it cannot push them too far. |
| When Iraqi forces pushed the Islamic State from Falluja, Iraq, last month, for example, they found that the jihadists had been teaching a book by Sheikh Muhammad ibn Abdul-Wahhab, the Saudi cleric who gave his name to Wahhabism, the Saudi creed. | When Iraqi forces pushed the Islamic State from Falluja, Iraq, last month, for example, they found that the jihadists had been teaching a book by Sheikh Muhammad ibn Abdul-Wahhab, the Saudi cleric who gave his name to Wahhabism, the Saudi creed. |
| And after a number of Saudis who had joined the Islamic State killed their own relatives, some noted that Ibn Taymiyyah, a 13th-century scholar widely admired in Saudi Arabia, had said it was permissible to do exactly that if one’s relatives were apostates. | And after a number of Saudis who had joined the Islamic State killed their own relatives, some noted that Ibn Taymiyyah, a 13th-century scholar widely admired in Saudi Arabia, had said it was permissible to do exactly that if one’s relatives were apostates. |
| But discussing such issues in Saudi Arabia is bound to cause a backlash from the clerics, who see themselves as the guardians of the kingdom’s Islamic purity. | But discussing such issues in Saudi Arabia is bound to cause a backlash from the clerics, who see themselves as the guardians of the kingdom’s Islamic purity. |
| Saudi officials argue that their views of the jihadists are clear. In a statement on Tuesday commemorating the eve of the Eid al-Fitr holiday at the end of Ramadan, King Salman said the kingdom would strike “with an iron fist” anyone who misled Saudi youth. | Saudi officials argue that their views of the jihadists are clear. In a statement on Tuesday commemorating the eve of the Eid al-Fitr holiday at the end of Ramadan, King Salman said the kingdom would strike “with an iron fist” anyone who misled Saudi youth. |
| “The biggest challenge facing the Islamic nation is to preserve real wealth and hope for the future of the young who face the risk of extremism and malicious calls pushing them to abnormal behaviors and practices,” he said. | “The biggest challenge facing the Islamic nation is to preserve real wealth and hope for the future of the young who face the risk of extremism and malicious calls pushing them to abnormal behaviors and practices,” he said. |
| But the Saudi state, too, has a tangled history with jihadist movements. | But the Saudi state, too, has a tangled history with jihadist movements. |
| During the 1980s and ’90s, it supported militants in Afghanistan (along with the United States), Chechnya, Bosnia and elsewhere, based on the belief that they were defending Muslim causes. Some of those fighters coalesced under Bin Laden, a Saudi native, to form Al Qaeda. Considering him a threat, the kingdom canceled his passport in 1994. | During the 1980s and ’90s, it supported militants in Afghanistan (along with the United States), Chechnya, Bosnia and elsewhere, based on the belief that they were defending Muslim causes. Some of those fighters coalesced under Bin Laden, a Saudi native, to form Al Qaeda. Considering him a threat, the kingdom canceled his passport in 1994. |
| Throughout that time, the kingdom maintained a freewheeling policy toward Islamic causes abroad, and fund-raising for those groups was open and common in Saudi cities, sometimes overseen by top princes. | Throughout that time, the kingdom maintained a freewheeling policy toward Islamic causes abroad, and fund-raising for those groups was open and common in Saudi cities, sometimes overseen by top princes. |
| When Al Qaeda attacked the United States on Sept. 11, 2001, Saudi officials, including the interior minister, Prince Nayef bin Abdulaziz, responded with denial before it became clear that 15 of the 19 hijackers were Saudis. | When Al Qaeda attacked the United States on Sept. 11, 2001, Saudi officials, including the interior minister, Prince Nayef bin Abdulaziz, responded with denial before it became clear that 15 of the 19 hijackers were Saudis. |
| But the real turning point was 2003, when Al Qaeda attacked the kingdom, targeting with large bombs foreign compounds and other sites. The Interior Ministry mobilized and under Prince Mohammed dismantled Al Qaeda’s networks, earning the admiration of American officials, who also pressured the kingdom to crack down on jihadist fund-raising. | But the real turning point was 2003, when Al Qaeda attacked the kingdom, targeting with large bombs foreign compounds and other sites. The Interior Ministry mobilized and under Prince Mohammed dismantled Al Qaeda’s networks, earning the admiration of American officials, who also pressured the kingdom to crack down on jihadist fund-raising. |
| Saudi officials say the threat now posed by the Islamic State is more diffuse and difficult to detect. While Al Qaeda had networks that could be infiltrated and monitored, the Islamic State recruits from abroad through social media. | Saudi officials say the threat now posed by the Islamic State is more diffuse and difficult to detect. While Al Qaeda had networks that could be infiltrated and monitored, the Islamic State recruits from abroad through social media. |
| And while Al Qaeda aimed for large attacks whose complicated preparations could tip off investigators, the Islamic State has focused on smaller strikes, like those seen on Monday, said Elana DeLozier, a political analyst formerly with the New York City Police Department’s Counterterrorism Bureau who studies Saudi Arabia. | And while Al Qaeda aimed for large attacks whose complicated preparations could tip off investigators, the Islamic State has focused on smaller strikes, like those seen on Monday, said Elana DeLozier, a political analyst formerly with the New York City Police Department’s Counterterrorism Bureau who studies Saudi Arabia. |
| “It is a lot easier to find a car bomb than a backpack bomb,” she said, adding, “The message from ISIS is that ‘we can hit you anywhere.’ ” | “It is a lot easier to find a car bomb than a backpack bomb,” she said, adding, “The message from ISIS is that ‘we can hit you anywhere.’ ” |
| While measuring public opinion in Saudi Arabia is difficult, there are indications that terrorist groups may have more support than Saudi officials acknowledge, according to a survey last year by the Tabah Foundation, a research group in the United Arab Emirates. | While measuring public opinion in Saudi Arabia is difficult, there are indications that terrorist groups may have more support than Saudi officials acknowledge, according to a survey last year by the Tabah Foundation, a research group in the United Arab Emirates. |
| While the majority of 831 Saudis ages 15 to 34 surveyed called Al Qaeda and the Islamic State “a complete perversion of Islam,” the rest had more complicated views. | While the majority of 831 Saudis ages 15 to 34 surveyed called Al Qaeda and the Islamic State “a complete perversion of Islam,” the rest had more complicated views. |
| Twenty-eight percent said the groups were “mostly wrong” but sometimes “raise and discuss issues that I agree with them on.” Five percent said that the groups were “mostly right” but that they disagreed with some of their actions. And 10 percent said they were “not a perversion at all.” The survey had a margin of error of four percentage points. | Twenty-eight percent said the groups were “mostly wrong” but sometimes “raise and discuss issues that I agree with them on.” Five percent said that the groups were “mostly right” but that they disagreed with some of their actions. And 10 percent said they were “not a perversion at all.” The survey had a margin of error of four percentage points. |
| But for Muslims, the blast near a site as holy as the Prophet’s Mosque was shocking, and it could further catalyze the campaign against the jihadists. | But for Muslims, the blast near a site as holy as the Prophet’s Mosque was shocking, and it could further catalyze the campaign against the jihadists. |
| “If there are people on the fence in Saudi, this kind of attack in Medina would probably turn them off,” said Lori Plotkin Boghardt, a research fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. | “If there are people on the fence in Saudi, this kind of attack in Medina would probably turn them off,” said Lori Plotkin Boghardt, a research fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. |