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| College Men for Trump | College Men for Trump |
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| It’s relatively easy to understand how the bitter grievances of the white working class drive support for Donald Trump. What’s less understandable is why a plurality of college-educated white men backs the Republican Party’s combative soon-to-be nominee. | It’s relatively easy to understand how the bitter grievances of the white working class drive support for Donald Trump. What’s less understandable is why a plurality of college-educated white men backs the Republican Party’s combative soon-to-be nominee. |
| According to a recent Pew study, white non-Hispanic male college graduates support Trump over Hillary Clinton by 49 to 42 percent, even as she holds on to her overall lead. | According to a recent Pew study, white non-Hispanic male college graduates support Trump over Hillary Clinton by 49 to 42 percent, even as she holds on to her overall lead. |
| Pew is not alone in its findings about college men. An ABC News/Washington Post survey in June gave Trump a 49-44 lead among white men who have completed four years of college. | Pew is not alone in its findings about college men. An ABC News/Washington Post survey in June gave Trump a 49-44 lead among white men who have completed four years of college. |
| We often overlook the pro-Trump leanings of white men with college degrees, in part because white women with four-year degrees back Clinton 57-35 percent, and most reports combine the total. When both sexes are counted, Clinton leads by six points. The gender gap this year is historic. | We often overlook the pro-Trump leanings of white men with college degrees, in part because white women with four-year degrees back Clinton 57-35 percent, and most reports combine the total. When both sexes are counted, Clinton leads by six points. The gender gap this year is historic. |
| While white male college-educated voters are not commonly seen as part of the Trump-led nationalist movement that rejects globalism and multiculturalism, poll data shows that a substantial percentage of them do belong in this camp. | While white male college-educated voters are not commonly seen as part of the Trump-led nationalist movement that rejects globalism and multiculturalism, poll data shows that a substantial percentage of them do belong in this camp. |
| “White Republican college graduates and white Republicans who do not have a degree generally agree on many political and policy issues,” the Pew Research Center found in a March 2016 report. | “White Republican college graduates and white Republicans who do not have a degree generally agree on many political and policy issues,” the Pew Research Center found in a March 2016 report. |
| Nearly half of college-educated Republicans, men and women, believe immigrants “burden the country by taking jobs, housing and health care,” a view shared by 62 percent of non-college Republicans. A plurality of those with college educations, 38 percent, say that they would be more likely to vote for a candidate “who wants to deport all immigrants in the U.S. illegally.” Half of those without degrees agree. A striking 64 percent of college-educated white Republicans support building a “fence along the entire U.S.-Mexico border,” as do 75 percent of non-college Republicans. | Nearly half of college-educated Republicans, men and women, believe immigrants “burden the country by taking jobs, housing and health care,” a view shared by 62 percent of non-college Republicans. A plurality of those with college educations, 38 percent, say that they would be more likely to vote for a candidate “who wants to deport all immigrants in the U.S. illegally.” Half of those without degrees agree. A striking 64 percent of college-educated white Republicans support building a “fence along the entire U.S.-Mexico border,” as do 75 percent of non-college Republicans. |
| I asked pollsters and political scientists why Trump appeals to educated white men. | I asked pollsters and political scientists why Trump appeals to educated white men. |
| Howard Rosenthal, a political scientist at N.Y.U., sent a thoughtful reply to my inquiry: | Howard Rosenthal, a political scientist at N.Y.U., sent a thoughtful reply to my inquiry: |
| The adoption of redistributive policies favoring women and minorities has, in Rosenthal’s unvarnished view, fundamentally changed the character of the political parties. | The adoption of redistributive policies favoring women and minorities has, in Rosenthal’s unvarnished view, fundamentally changed the character of the political parties. |
| “The Democratic Party and Hillary Clinton are engaged in identity politics. And the redistribution is not win-win,” Rosenthal wrote, adding that | “The Democratic Party and Hillary Clinton are engaged in identity politics. And the redistribution is not win-win,” Rosenthal wrote, adding that |
| So even if college-educated whites are doing relatively well economically, the redistributive policies espoused by Clinton and the Democratic Party — Obamacare, affirmative action, more progressive taxation and expanded social insurance policies — have led Rosenthal to conclude that “in terms of pocketbook voting, I am not surprised that Trump draws support from many college educated white males.” | So even if college-educated whites are doing relatively well economically, the redistributive policies espoused by Clinton and the Democratic Party — Obamacare, affirmative action, more progressive taxation and expanded social insurance policies — have led Rosenthal to conclude that “in terms of pocketbook voting, I am not surprised that Trump draws support from many college educated white males.” |
| The meaning of a college degree, Rosenthal points out, has changed over the years: | The meaning of a college degree, Rosenthal points out, has changed over the years: |
| Male college graduates who are struggling are more likely to join white working class men in the larger insurgency against globalization and free trade that is taking place here and all over Europe. | Male college graduates who are struggling are more likely to join white working class men in the larger insurgency against globalization and free trade that is taking place here and all over Europe. |
| A parallel reaction, often overlooked or disregarded by the media, academia and the left, can be found on other issues, especially immigration. | A parallel reaction, often overlooked or disregarded by the media, academia and the left, can be found on other issues, especially immigration. |
| As the number of immigrants to the United States has grown, from 9.6 million to 42.4 million between 1970 and 2014, 49 percent of whites and 58 percent of Republicans perceive these newcomers as “a threat to American values,” according to a 2013 Pew survey. A March PRRI survey report found that 47 percent of older whites — among whom Trump runs better than he does among younger whites — agreed that immigrants “represent a threat to American customs and values.” | As the number of immigrants to the United States has grown, from 9.6 million to 42.4 million between 1970 and 2014, 49 percent of whites and 58 percent of Republicans perceive these newcomers as “a threat to American values,” according to a 2013 Pew survey. A March PRRI survey report found that 47 percent of older whites — among whom Trump runs better than he does among younger whites — agreed that immigrants “represent a threat to American customs and values.” |
| On a separate front, between 1999 and 2015, the inflation-adjusted value of imported goods has grown from $1.3 trillion to $2.2 trillion. According to recent polls, majorities of Americans see the increase in imported goods as “taking away U.S. jobs.” A May 16-19 ABC News/Washington Post survey found, for example, that 53 percent of respondents believe that “trade with other countries” eliminates more jobs than it creates in the United States. Among whites, the percentage grows to 59 percent. | On a separate front, between 1999 and 2015, the inflation-adjusted value of imported goods has grown from $1.3 trillion to $2.2 trillion. According to recent polls, majorities of Americans see the increase in imported goods as “taking away U.S. jobs.” A May 16-19 ABC News/Washington Post survey found, for example, that 53 percent of respondents believe that “trade with other countries” eliminates more jobs than it creates in the United States. Among whites, the percentage grows to 59 percent. |
| Jonathan Haidt, a social psychologist at N.Y.U., sent me an essay from The American Interest in which he argues that in order to understand the rise of nativist populists like Trump, especially among white men, both here and abroad, | Jonathan Haidt, a social psychologist at N.Y.U., sent me an essay from The American Interest in which he argues that in order to understand the rise of nativist populists like Trump, especially among white men, both here and abroad, |
| Globalists, including elites in the Democratic Party, | Globalists, including elites in the Democratic Party, |
| The global agenda presses a | The global agenda presses a |
| Haidt’s use of the concept of “normative threat” is helpful in exploring other challenges to traditional cultural norms, including male reaction to the nomination of a woman for president. | Haidt’s use of the concept of “normative threat” is helpful in exploring other challenges to traditional cultural norms, including male reaction to the nomination of a woman for president. |
| There is a substantial body of research that suggests gender-based reasons why men — college-educated men included — lean toward Trump. | |
| Alice Eagly, a social psychologist at Northwestern, contends that gender-based group stereotypes remain a powerful force, particularly in terms of how people gauge the ability of women to handle different tasks. | Alice Eagly, a social psychologist at Northwestern, contends that gender-based group stereotypes remain a powerful force, particularly in terms of how people gauge the ability of women to handle different tasks. |
| In a 2014 paper written with Anne Koenig, a social psychologist at the University of San Diego, Eagly reported that the jobs most commonly associated with men include business professional, politicians, C.E.O. and lawyer while the jobs most commonly associated with women included teacher, secretary, nurse and homemaker. | In a 2014 paper written with Anne Koenig, a social psychologist at the University of San Diego, Eagly reported that the jobs most commonly associated with men include business professional, politicians, C.E.O. and lawyer while the jobs most commonly associated with women included teacher, secretary, nurse and homemaker. |
| These widely held group stereotypes incline voters “to disqualify” women seeking positions stereotypically held by men. | These widely held group stereotypes incline voters “to disqualify” women seeking positions stereotypically held by men. |
| Without referring to Clinton, Eagly and Koenig argue that the stereotype of women as belonging in the helping or communal professions has remained constant “despite massive change in women’s roles in the 20th century.” This is because | Without referring to Clinton, Eagly and Koenig argue that the stereotype of women as belonging in the helping or communal professions has remained constant “despite massive change in women’s roles in the 20th century.” This is because |
| According to Catalyst, women currently make up 15.4 percent of C.E.O.s. | According to Catalyst, women currently make up 15.4 percent of C.E.O.s. |
| The consequences, Eagly and Koenig write, | The consequences, Eagly and Koenig write, |
| Along related lines, Ann C. McGinley, a law professor at the University of Nevada, argued in a 2009 paper — “Hillary Clinton, Sarah Palin, and Michelle Obama: Performing Gender, Race, and Class on the Campaign Trail” — that | Along related lines, Ann C. McGinley, a law professor at the University of Nevada, argued in a 2009 paper — “Hillary Clinton, Sarah Palin, and Michelle Obama: Performing Gender, Race, and Class on the Campaign Trail” — that |
| An ABC News/Washington Post poll last month found that 75 percent of white men had a negative view of Clinton and 23 percent had a favorable view. In the case of college-educated white men, the combined May and June NBC News/Wall Street Journal surveys show a decisively unfavorable iew of Clinton (62-26). | |
| A number of pollsters pointed out to me that hostility to Clinton is more important than the appeal of Trump in the continuing support for Trump among white college men. “Her negatives are awful,” the Republican pollster Bill McInturff noted in an email. | |
| The paradox of Trump’s support among educated white men is that even though a plurality told Pew that they will vote for Trump, NBC/WSJ poll data shows that a clear majority — 58 percent — view Trump unfavorably. That is, they plan to vote for Trump without liking him. | The paradox of Trump’s support among educated white men is that even though a plurality told Pew that they will vote for Trump, NBC/WSJ poll data shows that a clear majority — 58 percent — view Trump unfavorably. That is, they plan to vote for Trump without liking him. |
| Bias against women in leadership roles often accompanies bias against racial and ethnic minorities and may contribute to the willingness of white men — both college and non-college — to accept flawed leadership from Trump rather than grant authority to women — or to African-Americans or Hispanics. | |
| Susan T. Fiske, a professor of psychology and public affairs at Princeton, put it clearly: | Susan T. Fiske, a professor of psychology and public affairs at Princeton, put it clearly: |
| While politically speaking college men are keeping a relatively low profile this year and not broadcasting their views, there are hard-right conservative activists more than willing to grab center stage. | While politically speaking college men are keeping a relatively low profile this year and not broadcasting their views, there are hard-right conservative activists more than willing to grab center stage. |
| In March, Kimberly Ross, a regular contributor to the conservative web site RedState.com, wrote: | In March, Kimberly Ross, a regular contributor to the conservative web site RedState.com, wrote: |
| To Kimberly Ross and those who support her views, “gooey social justice” refers to the conjoined issues of race and gender. On these issues, Hillary Clinton and her progressive and liberal supporters have starkly different views from those of Donald Trump and his loyalists — to put it mildly. | To Kimberly Ross and those who support her views, “gooey social justice” refers to the conjoined issues of race and gender. On these issues, Hillary Clinton and her progressive and liberal supporters have starkly different views from those of Donald Trump and his loyalists — to put it mildly. |
| The rage that this progressive perspective incites on the far right appears to animate, in varying degrees, the white men who support Trump. This anti-liberal rage was put on display in the extreme reaction to Hillary Clinton’s public comments in the aftermath of the slaughter of five policemen in Dallas last week. | The rage that this progressive perspective incites on the far right appears to animate, in varying degrees, the white men who support Trump. This anti-liberal rage was put on display in the extreme reaction to Hillary Clinton’s public comments in the aftermath of the slaughter of five policemen in Dallas last week. |
| Clinton told CNN on July 8, “I will call for white people like myself to put ourselves in the shoes of those African-American families who fear every time their children go somewhere,” adding, | Clinton told CNN on July 8, “I will call for white people like myself to put ourselves in the shoes of those African-American families who fear every time their children go somewhere,” adding, |
| The same day, on NBC, Clinton told Lester Holt that Americans “have to be honest, all of us, in facing implicit bias that all of us, unfortunately, may still have.” | The same day, on NBC, Clinton told Lester Holt that Americans “have to be honest, all of us, in facing implicit bias that all of us, unfortunately, may still have.” |
| Clinton continued along these lines Wednesday in a speech on race in Springfield, Ill.: | |
| To a Democrat, Clinton’s words sound reassuring and healing. Conservatives hear her words very differently: “Hillary Clinton Blames Whites, Cops for Deaths of Young Black Men” declared the July 8 headline on Breitbart.com. | To a Democrat, Clinton’s words sound reassuring and healing. Conservatives hear her words very differently: “Hillary Clinton Blames Whites, Cops for Deaths of Young Black Men” declared the July 8 headline on Breitbart.com. |
| Jim Hoft, writing on July 10 at thegatewaypundit.com,was even more explicit: “Hillary Clinton Calls for White People to Change after 5 White Cops Gunned Down in Dallas.” | Jim Hoft, writing on July 10 at thegatewaypundit.com,was even more explicit: “Hillary Clinton Calls for White People to Change after 5 White Cops Gunned Down in Dallas.” |
| The critique of Clinton’s problems with white men is not limited to the right. In October 2015, Josh Kraushaar wrote in The Atlantic: | The critique of Clinton’s problems with white men is not limited to the right. In October 2015, Josh Kraushaar wrote in The Atlantic: |
| In fact, Clinton may not have to grapple with the cratering of white male support just as long as Trump craters even more deeply among women and minorities. Women, after all, make up 53 percent of voters. But the depth of his support among college men signals the continuing volatility and disquiet of the electorate. | In fact, Clinton may not have to grapple with the cratering of white male support just as long as Trump craters even more deeply among women and minorities. Women, after all, make up 53 percent of voters. But the depth of his support among college men signals the continuing volatility and disquiet of the electorate. |
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