'Flickers of hope over the darkness of Nauru, but thunderbolts called for Flickers of hope over the darkness of Nauru, but thunderbolts called for' diff viewer (1/2)

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~~Flickers of hope over the darkness of Nauru, but thunderbolts called for~~	Flickers of hope over the darkness of Nauru, but thunderbolts called for Flickers of hope over the darkness of Nauru, but thunderbolts called for
2016-08-24 07:25:21 UTC	2016-12-08 14:30:14 UTC (4 months later)
We’ve heard the comparison a bit this week, so obvious it’s unavoidable.	We’ve heard the comparison a bit this week, so obvious it’s unavoidable.
A major television exposé of the treatment of kids in juvenile detention in the Northern Territory generates a rapid fire royal commission, so rapid fire in fact, that the government tripped over itself in the haste to get it on foot.	A major television exposé of the treatment of kids in juvenile detention in the Northern Territory generates a rapid fire royal commission, so rapid fire in fact, that the government tripped over itself in the haste to get it on foot.
A major exposé of the abuse of children in immigration detention by Guardian Australia – an exposé with content so disturbing and compelling it travels right around the world – and what happens? We get the immigration minister, Peter Dutton, being the immigration minister, Peter Dutton, which, with due respect to Peter Dutton, is about as depressing as it gets.	A major exposé of the abuse of children in immigration detention by Guardian Australia – an exposé with content so disturbing and compelling it travels right around the world – and what happens? We get the immigration minister, Peter Dutton, being the immigration minister, Peter Dutton, which, with due respect to Peter Dutton, is about as depressing as it gets.
Perhaps the difference is simple: one story had television pictures that could galvanise the nation, the other haunting words, powerful of course, but somehow not as palpable.	Perhaps the difference is simple: one story had television pictures that could galvanise the nation, the other haunting words, powerful of course, but somehow not as palpable.
Perhaps it’s not the lack of moving pictures, but the recurrent, toxic condition of the political conversation in this country about boat arrivals. Asylum politics is a wretched amoral swamp, a place where facts don’t matter and hysteria regularly trumps reality.	Perhaps it’s not the lack of moving pictures, but the recurrent, toxic condition of the political conversation in this country about boat arrivals. Asylum politics is a wretched amoral swamp, a place where facts don’t matter and hysteria regularly trumps reality.
But if we get mired in our routine of this issue being seemingly hopeless and intractable, we can miss the small glimmers of hope, harbingers of movement. To see these, we have to look a little deeper.	But if we get mired in our routine of this issue being seemingly hopeless and intractable, we can miss the small glimmers of hope, harbingers of movement. To see these, we have to look a little deeper.
The first little pulse of hope this week came from the prime minister. Malcolm Turnbull didn’t fire up the predictable asylum culture war hooey when asked about the Nauru files. He said the government would review the incident reports uncovered in this week’s reports to see whether action had been taken. Not much, but not nothing either.	The first little pulse of hope this week came from the prime minister. Malcolm Turnbull didn’t fire up the predictable asylum culture war hooey when asked about the Nauru files. He said the government would review the incident reports uncovered in this week’s reports to see whether action had been taken. Not much, but not nothing either.
The next came from the Liberal MP Russell Broadbent, who poked his nose above the parapet this week to observe that checks and balances matter, and it might be time to check whether the checks and balances were adequate to protect the safety of people in immigration detention.	The next came from the Liberal MP Russell Broadbent, who poked his nose above the parapet this week to observe that checks and balances matter, and it might be time to check whether the checks and balances were adequate to protect the safety of people in immigration detention.
The intervention looks modest, but it isn’t if you consider a couple of things: Broadbent doesn’t chase ambulances, he intervenes when he means it. The Victorian moderate was also key in persuading John Howard to wind back the worst of his punitive immigration regime during the last period of Coalition government – and Broadbent is evidently galvanised sufficiently to put his view on the record at a moment when the Liberal party is awash with tribalism, pugilism, internal contention and mulish retribution.	The intervention looks modest, but it isn’t if you consider a couple of things: Broadbent doesn’t chase ambulances, he intervenes when he means it. The Victorian moderate was also key in persuading John Howard to wind back the worst of his punitive immigration regime during the last period of Coalition government – and Broadbent is evidently galvanised sufficiently to put his view on the record at a moment when the Liberal party is awash with tribalism, pugilism, internal contention and mulish retribution.
Then we can look to Labor. We know that Labor has been obsessed with “me tooism” on asylum policy in a desperate bid to avoid the apparently unbearable inconvenience of a Daily Telegraph smash up and a Ray Hadley tantrum about their collective lack of manhood when it comes to repelling the hordes plotting a comfortable sea path to Australia before reclining on a life of welfare.	Then we can look to Labor. We know that Labor has been obsessed with “me tooism” on asylum policy in a desperate bid to avoid the apparently unbearable inconvenience of a Daily Telegraph smash up and a Ray Hadley tantrum about their collective lack of manhood when it comes to repelling the hordes plotting a comfortable sea path to Australia before reclining on a life of welfare.
But a couple of things happened this week. The new opposition spokesman on immigration, Shayne Neumann, was very quick out of the blocks after the Nauru files were published, signalling a private member’s bill to improve reporting on Nauru, and making the case for a children’s advocate. Internally, the speed of the response was noted, a slight change of intention and emphasis.	But a couple of things happened this week. The new opposition spokesman on immigration, Shayne Neumann, was very quick out of the blocks after the Nauru files were published, signalling a private member’s bill to improve reporting on Nauru, and making the case for a children’s advocate. Internally, the speed of the response was noted, a slight change of intention and emphasis.
In addition to that signal, various caucus members were quick to send their own twofold message: the revelations from the Nauru files were completely and utterly abhorrent; and Labor’s internal debate over the right policy balance between hardline deterrence and human rights was not over.	In addition to that signal, various caucus members were quick to send their own twofold message: the revelations from the Nauru files were completely and utterly abhorrent; and Labor’s internal debate over the right policy balance between hardline deterrence and human rights was not over.
This is interesting too, because post-election, we (and Bill Shorten) might have expected the boats issue to settle placidly in Labor after the departure of two serial campaigners for change, Melissa Parke and Anna Burke. Not by the looks of things. The caucus disquiet about Labor’s positioning will persist into this new parliament. You can set your watch by that prediction.	This is interesting too, because post-election, we (and Bill Shorten) might have expected the boats issue to settle placidly in Labor after the departure of two serial campaigners for change, Melissa Parke and Anna Burke. Not by the looks of things. The caucus disquiet about Labor’s positioning will persist into this new parliament. You can set your watch by that prediction.
Then we can look at the new crossbench. There has been a lot of analysis in recent times about the new forces of populism and protectionism and xenophobia that are manifest in the new 45th parliament, which is both true, and a big deal, and a cliche that risks overshadowing a more complex reality.	Then we can look at the new crossbench. There has been a lot of analysis in recent times about the new forces of populism and protectionism and xenophobia that are manifest in the new 45th parliament, which is both true, and a big deal, and a cliche that risks overshadowing a more complex reality.
Yes, those forces are part of this next term. But there are also people now in the parliament who will stand up against the abuse of children, wherever they happen to be.	Yes, those forces are part of this next term. But there are also people now in the parliament who will stand up against the abuse of children, wherever they happen to be.
Late this week I undertook a quick test of parliamentary support for Labor’s proposed private member’s bill to see where the numbers might lie, and I also wanted to test the resting disposition of some of the new kingmakers to the revelations about Nauru published this week.	Late this week I undertook a quick test of parliamentary support for Labor’s proposed private member’s bill to see where the numbers might lie, and I also wanted to test the resting disposition of some of the new kingmakers to the revelations about Nauru published this week.
I learned a couple of things in this sortie. I think if Labor brought on its bill in the Senate, and if it brought forward a proposal for a children’s advocate for kids on Nauru, it is very likely to get support in the upper house.	I learned a couple of things in this sortie. I think if Labor brought on its bill in the Senate, and if it brought forward a proposal for a children’s advocate for kids on Nauru, it is very likely to get support in the upper house.
A quick out take from my conversations. The Greens are a yes, because they are diligent and tireless on this issue. Nick Xenophon was disturbed by the Guardian’s reports, and was positive in principle. Derryn Hinch said the Nauru papers “were awful reading” and he thought the Coalition had a tendency to shoot the messenger when it came to offshore detention, so he’s interested in having a look at what can be done, and Jacqui Lambie said she’d look positively at what Labor brought forward.	A quick out take from my conversations. The Greens are a yes, because they are diligent and tireless on this issue. Nick Xenophon was disturbed by the Guardian’s reports, and was positive in principle. Derryn Hinch said the Nauru papers “were awful reading” and he thought the Coalition had a tendency to shoot the messenger when it came to offshore detention, so he’s interested in having a look at what can be done, and Jacqui Lambie said she’d look positively at what Labor brought forward.
That’s a majority, at least in-principle, right off the bat. An incremental improvement for sure, but on this issue, sensible people take what they can get. There would be sympathy too, in the House – probably not a majority, but certainly sympathy.	That’s a majority, at least in-principle, right off the bat. An incremental improvement for sure, but on this issue, sensible people take what they can get. There would be sympathy too, in the House – probably not a majority, but certainly sympathy.
Take the independent MP Cathy McGowan, who has bucked conventional wisdom by taking a public stand on human rights despite representing a deeply conservative rural electorate. Conservative opponents ran hard against McGowan in the recent election for siding with the Greens on immigration matters, and it resonated, it was a big issue locally, but, interestingly, the community stuck with her.	Take the independent MP Cathy McGowan, who has bucked conventional wisdom by taking a public stand on human rights despite representing a deeply conservative rural electorate. Conservative opponents ran hard against McGowan in the recent election for siding with the Greens on immigration matters, and it resonated, it was a big issue locally, but, interestingly, the community stuck with her.
McGowan worked quietly in the last parliament with a cross-party group, which included a couple of Liberals, Labor people and the Greens, to get children out of detention. This quiet lobbying effort came at the behest of the combined heads of congregations, and a group of Catholic nuns, who are very active behind the scenes trying to persuade the parliament of Australia to protect the human rights of vulnerable people. They didn’t advertise the effort and make it a confrontation, they just looked for solutions.	McGowan worked quietly in the last parliament with a cross-party group, which included a couple of Liberals, Labor people and the Greens, to get children out of detention. This quiet lobbying effort came at the behest of the combined heads of congregations, and a group of Catholic nuns, who are very active behind the scenes trying to persuade the parliament of Australia to protect the human rights of vulnerable people. They didn’t advertise the effort and make it a confrontation, they just looked for solutions.
The modest outbreak of empathy suggests the new parliament could (and I wouldn’t rate it higher than could) give rise to another cross-party effort to come up with a solution to a deeply vexed problem. We saw this happen in the 43rd minority parliament.	The modest outbreak of empathy suggests the new parliament could (and I wouldn’t rate it higher than could) give rise to another cross-party effort to come up with a solution to a deeply vexed problem. We saw this happen in the 43rd minority parliament.
This would be superficially promising, but the recent past tells us such enterprises tend to collapse under their own disparate weight. Parliamentarians see different facts, and intuit different solutions, so the common ground tends to get hollowed out when people attempt to forge an agreed multi-partisan position.	This would be superficially promising, but the recent past tells us such enterprises tend to collapse under their own disparate weight. Parliamentarians see different facts, and intuit different solutions, so the common ground tends to get hollowed out when people attempt to forge an agreed multi-partisan position.
And then you only have to contemplate a well-meaning group of MPs meeting the immovable object that is Peter Dutton, and the former immigration minister, Scott Morrison, and you see the fruitlessness of the exercise.	And then you only have to contemplate a well-meaning group of MPs meeting the immovable object that is Peter Dutton, and the former immigration minister, Scott Morrison, and you see the fruitlessness of the exercise.
If change is going to happen, we need the following conditions.	If change is going to happen, we need the following conditions.
There has to be a clear tipping point. Broadbent here is a good barometer, given he was a key part of the civilising forces on the old Howard policy. If he’s putting his head up, that suggests an experienced parliamentary hand thinks the tipping point is now close.	There has to be a clear tipping point. Broadbent here is a good barometer, given he was a key part of the civilising forces on the old Howard policy. If he’s putting his head up, that suggests an experienced parliamentary hand thinks the tipping point is now close.
I can imagine it being close if I just think for a moment of a Don Dale-style video emerging cataloguing some horror on Nauru. I don’t want to put my mind there, or yours, but I suspect you can imagine various scenarios that would be more compelling and cut-through than the Dutton talking points.	I can imagine it being close if I just think for a moment of a Don Dale-style video emerging cataloguing some horror on Nauru. I don’t want to put my mind there, or yours, but I suspect you can imagine various scenarios that would be more compelling and cut-through than the Dutton talking points.
There has to be consistent pressure from outside the parliament, and I don’t mean abstract intermittent pressure from well meaning advocates: I mean a campaign. From churches, who remain very powerful in politics, from community groups, in marginal seats. If it’s organised, consistent, broadly based and targeted, that will capture the attention of parliamentarians in very short order.	There has to be consistent pressure from outside the parliament, and I don’t mean abstract intermittent pressure from well meaning advocates: I mean a campaign. From churches, who remain very powerful in politics, from community groups, in marginal seats. If it’s organised, consistent, broadly based and targeted, that will capture the attention of parliamentarians in very short order.
Media organisations dedicated to serving the public interest and speaking truth to power also have to double down on this story. We need to keep pushing, delving, unearthing factual examples that can’t be lightly dismissed, and reporters have to be given time to investigate, which is possibly the greatest luxury going in an era of cash-strapped organisations and shrinking newsrooms.	Media organisations dedicated to serving the public interest and speaking truth to power also have to double down on this story. We need to keep pushing, delving, unearthing factual examples that can’t be lightly dismissed, and reporters have to be given time to investigate, which is possibly the greatest luxury going in an era of cash-strapped organisations and shrinking newsrooms.
If the prime minister wants to do more than review incident reports, if he wants to actually intervene to clean up a diabolical system being perpetrated in our name, then he has to follow the template set by the man Turnbull has recently taken to calling his mentor: John Howard.	If the prime minister wants to do more than review incident reports, if he wants to actually intervene to clean up a diabolical system being perpetrated in our name, then he has to follow the template set by the man Turnbull has recently taken to calling his mentor: John Howard.
When Howard eventually resolved the government had to move, he didn’t just issue an abstract instruction and leave it to his portfolio minister. He got his department head, Peter Shergold, to set up an interdepartmental taskforce to delve into the facts of what was going on in detention, and develop a pathway to concrete action.	When Howard eventually resolved the government had to move, he didn’t just issue an abstract instruction and leave it to his portfolio minister. He got his department head, Peter Shergold, to set up an interdepartmental taskforce to delve into the facts of what was going on in detention, and develop a pathway to concrete action.
Leadership is more than saying abstractly you would like something looked at. You have to activate all the tools of the office of prime minister, otherwise the studied inertia of opponents to change means nothing happens.	Leadership is more than saying abstractly you would like something looked at. You have to activate all the tools of the office of prime minister, otherwise the studied inertia of opponents to change means nothing happens.
Turnbull faces rolling challenges to his authority, but the prime minister remains capable of action. He didn’t wait for permission when it came to juvenile justice in the Northern Territory. He can stand up for what is right, and given his current position, standing up for what is right is better than constant conciliation and compromise, which thus far has bought him nothing.	Turnbull faces rolling challenges to his authority, but the prime minister remains capable of action. He didn’t wait for permission when it came to juvenile justice in the Northern Territory. He can stand up for what is right, and given his current position, standing up for what is right is better than constant conciliation and compromise, which thus far has bought him nothing.
As well as authority, and process, there also needs to be clarity about what is actually wrong here, otherwise all kinds of temporary solutions can be produced by politicians that are designed to lull and soothe the conscience of the voting public rather than actually materially benefit people who are, beyond any reasonable doubt, being systemically abused.	As well as authority, and process, there also needs to be clarity about what is actually wrong here, otherwise all kinds of temporary solutions can be produced by politicians that are designed to lull and soothe the conscience of the voting public rather than actually materially benefit people who are, beyond any reasonable doubt, being systemically abused.
Here are the first principles.	Here are the first principles.
Australia has every right to defend the integrity of its borders. In an era of acute globalisation fatigue, where sovereignty is now a potent part of domestic political discussion around the world, any national government has to try to counter the retrograde forces of racism and xenophobia with reassuring messaging about border security. But there’s a choice about how you do this.	Australia has every right to defend the integrity of its borders. In an era of acute globalisation fatigue, where sovereignty is now a potent part of domestic political discussion around the world, any national government has to try to counter the retrograde forces of racism and xenophobia with reassuring messaging about border security. But there’s a choice about how you do this.
Turnbull has shown you can turn around a whole potent political discussion by replacing apocalyptic dog whistling with rational, proportionate discussion. He’s done it on national security. If so inclined, he can do it on asylum as well. We could, for a start, stop talking about this issue as if punitive policy is the only way we can stop people drowning at sea. False binaries just feed the cycle of irrationality, and rational discussion could even presage rational action, you never know.	Turnbull has shown you can turn around a whole potent political discussion by replacing apocalyptic dog whistling with rational, proportionate discussion. He’s done it on national security. If so inclined, he can do it on asylum as well. We could, for a start, stop talking about this issue as if punitive policy is the only way we can stop people drowning at sea. False binaries just feed the cycle of irrationality, and rational discussion could even presage rational action, you never know.
But it isn’t just about what we are saying. We do need to be very clear-eyed about the problem the Australian parliament needs to address. The deep problem here is one of substance.	But it isn’t just about what we are saying. We do need to be very clear-eyed about the problem the Australian parliament needs to address. The deep problem here is one of substance.