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| Stretching the boundaries of electoral fairness Stretching the boundaries of electoral fairness | |
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| The proposed reduction in parliamentary constituencies and redrawing of constituency boundaries are both worrying (Corbyn and Johnson to contest new seats under controversial electoral shakeup, 13 September). Reducing the number of constituencies from 650 to 600 was a hasty response by the coalition government to the MPs’ expenses scandal in 2009. There has been little or no attempt to justify this other than on grounds of economy, though the savings will be trifling in relation to total public expenditure. | The proposed reduction in parliamentary constituencies and redrawing of constituency boundaries are both worrying (Corbyn and Johnson to contest new seats under controversial electoral shakeup, 13 September). Reducing the number of constituencies from 650 to 600 was a hasty response by the coalition government to the MPs’ expenses scandal in 2009. There has been little or no attempt to justify this other than on grounds of economy, though the savings will be trifling in relation to total public expenditure. |
| It has been overlooked that a major element of MPs’ work is listening to, and trying to fix, the numerous problems and grievances of their constituents. Increasing the average constituency size by roughly 10% will inevitably increase the time spent by MPs on these matters, which must reduce the time available to them to scrutinise and check the actions of government. Possibly this was the result intended by David Cameron. | It has been overlooked that a major element of MPs’ work is listening to, and trying to fix, the numerous problems and grievances of their constituents. Increasing the average constituency size by roughly 10% will inevitably increase the time spent by MPs on these matters, which must reduce the time available to them to scrutinise and check the actions of government. Possibly this was the result intended by David Cameron. |
| Second, the way in which the boundaries have been redrawn is open to accusations of political bias. Although the boundary commissioners are independent once appointed, it is the government that appoints them and their appointments come up for renewal every five years. It is by no means fanciful to imagine that commissioners will be aware that some outcomes of their deliberations will be more agreeable to the government than others. | Second, the way in which the boundaries have been redrawn is open to accusations of political bias. Although the boundary commissioners are independent once appointed, it is the government that appoints them and their appointments come up for renewal every five years. It is by no means fanciful to imagine that commissioners will be aware that some outcomes of their deliberations will be more agreeable to the government than others. |
| Perceptions of political bias are also greatly fuelled by the vague and potentially conflicting criteria that the boundary commissioners are required to observe. These include the desirability of keeping constituencies reasonably compact and regularly shaped; of following existing local government and constituency boundaries; keeping areas with a sense of local community within the same constituency; and balancing urban and rural populations within a constituency. | Perceptions of political bias are also greatly fuelled by the vague and potentially conflicting criteria that the boundary commissioners are required to observe. These include the desirability of keeping constituencies reasonably compact and regularly shaped; of following existing local government and constituency boundaries; keeping areas with a sense of local community within the same constituency; and balancing urban and rural populations within a constituency. |
| These problems could be solved at a stroke if we adopted a 21st-century approach to drawing constituency boundaries: giving the job to a computer. It would be simple to instruct a computer to divide the UK into 650 subdivisions, each with the same number of registered voters (or, preferably, people over the age of 18). One would also want to build in some additional restrictions, most obviously that of minimising the length of the perimeter of each constituency so as to avoid bizarre shapes (such as the salamander from which gerrymandering originates). Other criteria, such as following as far as possible local government boundaries, could also be programmed in if desired.Geoffrey RenshawDept of economics, University of Warwick | These problems could be solved at a stroke if we adopted a 21st-century approach to drawing constituency boundaries: giving the job to a computer. It would be simple to instruct a computer to divide the UK into 650 subdivisions, each with the same number of registered voters (or, preferably, people over the age of 18). One would also want to build in some additional restrictions, most obviously that of minimising the length of the perimeter of each constituency so as to avoid bizarre shapes (such as the salamander from which gerrymandering originates). Other criteria, such as following as far as possible local government boundaries, could also be programmed in if desired.Geoffrey RenshawDept of economics, University of Warwick |
| • There is no single electoral system that fulfils all the requirements for fully democratic governance: among others, fair representation of all interests and strands of opinion; a stable and effective government; prevention of extreme groups gaining too much power; retaining a direct link between an MP and his or her constituents; and making all votes of equal value. The last in particular is generally recognised to be a failing of the present first-past-the-post system. Simply equalising the number of voters in each constituency will not, as is claimed, change that. Some constituencies will still be the marginal ones that essentially determine the overall result. I would argue that it is at least as important that constituency boundaries represent natural communities and that is not achieved by the present exercise, as a number of examples quoted show. | • There is no single electoral system that fulfils all the requirements for fully democratic governance: among others, fair representation of all interests and strands of opinion; a stable and effective government; prevention of extreme groups gaining too much power; retaining a direct link between an MP and his or her constituents; and making all votes of equal value. The last in particular is generally recognised to be a failing of the present first-past-the-post system. Simply equalising the number of voters in each constituency will not, as is claimed, change that. Some constituencies will still be the marginal ones that essentially determine the overall result. I would argue that it is at least as important that constituency boundaries represent natural communities and that is not achieved by the present exercise, as a number of examples quoted show. |
| Of course the register should be as up to date as possible and that should not be difficult in this computerised age. But why should it depend on the individual applying to be on it? For example, why should not every possessor of a national insurance number, or an income tax reference, or a driving licence, if otherwise eligible, be automatically entered on the electoral register?Frank JacksonHarlow Labour party | Of course the register should be as up to date as possible and that should not be difficult in this computerised age. But why should it depend on the individual applying to be on it? For example, why should not every possessor of a national insurance number, or an income tax reference, or a driving licence, if otherwise eligible, be automatically entered on the electoral register?Frank JacksonHarlow Labour party |
| • The weasel words in your editorial (13 September) on proposed constituency boundary changes are: “A constituency-based system, which provides an invaluable link between voter and MP, must be redrawn independently and fairly from time to time.” However, the myth of the single MP, known to all constituents and coping with each and every need of their problems, is a malign illusion which often prevents the individual having an MP representing a recognisable community and who is sympathetic to his or her needs. Second, it is impossible, however independent and fair the boundary commissioners are, to divide up the electorate into single member seats without carving up communities and causing political gerrymandering. | • The weasel words in your editorial (13 September) on proposed constituency boundary changes are: “A constituency-based system, which provides an invaluable link between voter and MP, must be redrawn independently and fairly from time to time.” However, the myth of the single MP, known to all constituents and coping with each and every need of their problems, is a malign illusion which often prevents the individual having an MP representing a recognisable community and who is sympathetic to his or her needs. Second, it is impossible, however independent and fair the boundary commissioners are, to divide up the electorate into single member seats without carving up communities and causing political gerrymandering. |
| Fairness in elections, with a match between proportionality and accountability, requires multi-member seats, recognising community identity, and with electors able to express their preferences between parties and candidates. At a stroke we would then remove the plaintive cries that changes are undemocratic.Michael MeadowcroftLiberal MP, Leeds West 1983-87 | Fairness in elections, with a match between proportionality and accountability, requires multi-member seats, recognising community identity, and with electors able to express their preferences between parties and candidates. At a stroke we would then remove the plaintive cries that changes are undemocratic.Michael MeadowcroftLiberal MP, Leeds West 1983-87 |
| • The Boundary Commission has done its best to maintain historic county boundaries in their review of parliamentary seats. Unfortunately, in Cornwall, there are just over 500 electors too many and, to meet the parameters, the commission has proposed a new deeply unpopular Devonwall constituency, which sits on both sides of the River Tamar. With a modest relaxation of the rules,, compared with what has been allowed in the Isle of Wight, Cornwall could keep its identity. That means allowing a 6% variation in numbers of electors per seat instead of 5%. There would be a better fit to devolution in the west country. Mrs May would have equally good prospects in the 2020 election. All Cornwall’s six MPs are Tories. Will they toe the line or stand up for Cornwall?Philip KerridgeBodmin, Cornwall | • The Boundary Commission has done its best to maintain historic county boundaries in their review of parliamentary seats. Unfortunately, in Cornwall, there are just over 500 electors too many and, to meet the parameters, the commission has proposed a new deeply unpopular Devonwall constituency, which sits on both sides of the River Tamar. With a modest relaxation of the rules,, compared with what has been allowed in the Isle of Wight, Cornwall could keep its identity. That means allowing a 6% variation in numbers of electors per seat instead of 5%. There would be a better fit to devolution in the west country. Mrs May would have equally good prospects in the 2020 election. All Cornwall’s six MPs are Tories. Will they toe the line or stand up for Cornwall?Philip KerridgeBodmin, Cornwall |
| • Surely it is the number of people that should determine the size of a constituency. Or do MPs refuse to help those coming to their surgeries who are not on the electoral roll or are under 18?Richard LattoLiverpool | • Surely it is the number of people that should determine the size of a constituency. Or do MPs refuse to help those coming to their surgeries who are not on the electoral roll or are under 18?Richard LattoLiverpool |
| • Join the debate – email guardian.letters@theguardian.com | • Join the debate – email guardian.letters@theguardian.com |
| • The final letter above was amended on 16 September 2016. An earlier version referred erroneously to “the electoral role”. | • The final letter above was amended on 16 September 2016. An earlier version referred erroneously to “the electoral role”. |