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| Rudy Giuliani, America’s Mayor, Rolls the Dice | |
| (about 3 hours later) | |
| There was a moment during Rudolph W. Giuliani’s election night appearance on MSNBC when his exasperated host, Chris Matthews, seemed to speak for many of the former New York mayor’s longtime fans. With the polls about to close, Mr. Giuliani had gone on the air in a final bid to plug his candidate, Donald J. Trump, and as he had throughout this extravagantly nasty campaign, he went after Hillary Clinton with a less-than-verifiable line of attack. | There was a moment during Rudolph W. Giuliani’s election night appearance on MSNBC when his exasperated host, Chris Matthews, seemed to speak for many of the former New York mayor’s longtime fans. With the polls about to close, Mr. Giuliani had gone on the air in a final bid to plug his candidate, Donald J. Trump, and as he had throughout this extravagantly nasty campaign, he went after Hillary Clinton with a less-than-verifiable line of attack. |
| Mrs. Clinton, as he put it, was an untrustworthy character who had committed a “significant number of crimes,” let her maid handle classified material and continually lied about her health. By somewhere in the middle of this bluster, Mr. Matthews had had enough. | Mrs. Clinton, as he put it, was an untrustworthy character who had committed a “significant number of crimes,” let her maid handle classified material and continually lied about her health. By somewhere in the middle of this bluster, Mr. Matthews had had enough. |
| “You’re a smart guy,” he interrupted. “You’re a smart politician. I’ve known you forever. I didn’t think there was anything wrong with you until this campaign.” | “You’re a smart guy,” he interrupted. “You’re a smart politician. I’ve known you forever. I didn’t think there was anything wrong with you until this campaign.” |
| In these last few ugly months, many people, particularly people in New York, appeared to arrive at a similar conclusion: Something had gone horribly wrong with Mr. Giuliani. There seemed no other way to explain it. Why else had “America’s mayor,” a moderate conservative who had previously lent support to gay rights, gun control and open immigration, gone to work as a hatchet man for a man perceived to be a wall-building, race-baiting nativist? | In these last few ugly months, many people, particularly people in New York, appeared to arrive at a similar conclusion: Something had gone horribly wrong with Mr. Giuliani. There seemed no other way to explain it. Why else had “America’s mayor,” a moderate conservative who had previously lent support to gay rights, gun control and open immigration, gone to work as a hatchet man for a man perceived to be a wall-building, race-baiting nativist? |
| To Mr. Giuliani’s critics, the answer was obvious: incipient mental illness. But to several of his allies and other observers, what struck some as insanity was actually a calculated gamble — one that paid off handsomely on Tuesday night. | To Mr. Giuliani’s critics, the answer was obvious: incipient mental illness. But to several of his allies and other observers, what struck some as insanity was actually a calculated gamble — one that paid off handsomely on Tuesday night. |
| Now possibly the next attorney general, Mr. Giuliani, 72, aligned himself with Mr. Trump in a last-ditch grasp at influence and relevance, according to those who know him. While his sometimes dubious defense of Mr. Trump might have seemed an aberration from his 40-year career, it was better understood, they said, as its logical extension. | Now possibly the next attorney general, Mr. Giuliani, 72, aligned himself with Mr. Trump in a last-ditch grasp at influence and relevance, according to those who know him. While his sometimes dubious defense of Mr. Trump might have seemed an aberration from his 40-year career, it was better understood, they said, as its logical extension. |
| “Rudy’s natural constituency is middle- or lower-middle-class people who feel that they’ve been pushed aside — just like Trump’s,” said Fred Siegel, a senior fellow at the conservative-leaning Manhattan Institute. “He’s not crazy; far from it. He sees this as a chance to return to the national stage. If you ask Trump questions about law and order and dig down half an inch, what you find is Rudy.” | “Rudy’s natural constituency is middle- or lower-middle-class people who feel that they’ve been pushed aside — just like Trump’s,” said Fred Siegel, a senior fellow at the conservative-leaning Manhattan Institute. “He’s not crazy; far from it. He sees this as a chance to return to the national stage. If you ask Trump questions about law and order and dig down half an inch, what you find is Rudy.” |
| Mr. Giuliani and Mr. Trump already had much in common well before this astonishing campaign. Both could aptly be described as abrasive, self-regarding, thrice-married sons of New York’s outer boroughs; but more to the point, they also shared a patriarchal, I-alone-can-fix-it personality that they deployed in the service of a vision: Changing cultural and economic forces were threatening the once-proud white working class. | Mr. Giuliani and Mr. Trump already had much in common well before this astonishing campaign. Both could aptly be described as abrasive, self-regarding, thrice-married sons of New York’s outer boroughs; but more to the point, they also shared a patriarchal, I-alone-can-fix-it personality that they deployed in the service of a vision: Changing cultural and economic forces were threatening the once-proud white working class. |
| At least in terms of temperament, there were indications of Mr. Giuliani’s road to Mr. Trump as far back as 1983, when he was appointed the United States attorney in Manhattan. After serving in staff positions in the Justice Department in Washington, Mr. Giuliani was able as a prosecutor to set his own agenda, which turned out to be a highly public holy war against the era’s various villains. | At least in terms of temperament, there were indications of Mr. Giuliani’s road to Mr. Trump as far back as 1983, when he was appointed the United States attorney in Manhattan. After serving in staff positions in the Justice Department in Washington, Mr. Giuliani was able as a prosecutor to set his own agenda, which turned out to be a highly public holy war against the era’s various villains. |
| In ecumenical fashion, he went after Mafia dons, Wall Street moguls and a parade of corrupt officials, some of whom worked for Mayor Edward I. Koch. While Mr. Giuliani’s equal-opportunity approach to justice earned him plaudits from both right and left, his sterling reputation was gradually tarred by charges of overzealousness and a hunger for publicity. | In ecumenical fashion, he went after Mafia dons, Wall Street moguls and a parade of corrupt officials, some of whom worked for Mayor Edward I. Koch. While Mr. Giuliani’s equal-opportunity approach to justice earned him plaudits from both right and left, his sterling reputation was gradually tarred by charges of overzealousness and a hunger for publicity. |
| By 1989, largely on the strength of his prosecutorial record, Mr. Giuliani had decided to run for mayor. At the time, New York City was struggling with the ravages of crack, a homelessness epidemic and seething racial divisions, which were captured that year by two high-profile crimes: the rape and beating of a white female jogger in Central Park, and the fatal shooting of Yusuf Hawkins, a black youth, in an attack by a white mob in Bensonhurst, Brooklyn. | By 1989, largely on the strength of his prosecutorial record, Mr. Giuliani had decided to run for mayor. At the time, New York City was struggling with the ravages of crack, a homelessness epidemic and seething racial divisions, which were captured that year by two high-profile crimes: the rape and beating of a white female jogger in Central Park, and the fatal shooting of Yusuf Hawkins, a black youth, in an attack by a white mob in Bensonhurst, Brooklyn. |
| Mr. Giuliani squared off in the race against David N. Dinkins, the borough president of Manhattan, who is black. Mr. Dinkins sought to heal the city’s wounds, celebrating what he called the “gorgeous mosaic” of New York. Under the influence of his take-no-prisoners media adviser, Roger Ailes (who would later run Fox News and ultimately advise Mr. Trump), Mr. Giuliani cast himself as a law-and-order tribune and painted Mr. Dinkins as a crooked creature of the city’s labor unions and the Democratic Party’s political machine. | Mr. Giuliani squared off in the race against David N. Dinkins, the borough president of Manhattan, who is black. Mr. Dinkins sought to heal the city’s wounds, celebrating what he called the “gorgeous mosaic” of New York. Under the influence of his take-no-prisoners media adviser, Roger Ailes (who would later run Fox News and ultimately advise Mr. Trump), Mr. Giuliani cast himself as a law-and-order tribune and painted Mr. Dinkins as a crooked creature of the city’s labor unions and the Democratic Party’s political machine. |
| Mr. Dinkins won by a narrow margin in a race in which 70 percent of white voters chose Mr. Giuliani, but the two met again in an even more divisive election in 1993. This one was a kind of proto-Trumpian affair — Make New York Great Again — in which Mr. Giuliani played on white anxieties over the spread of drugs and Mr. Dinkins’s equivocal response to the Crown Heights riots in 1991, which pitted blacks and Ultra-Orthodox Jews in Brooklyn against each other. | Mr. Dinkins won by a narrow margin in a race in which 70 percent of white voters chose Mr. Giuliani, but the two met again in an even more divisive election in 1993. This one was a kind of proto-Trumpian affair — Make New York Great Again — in which Mr. Giuliani played on white anxieties over the spread of drugs and Mr. Dinkins’s equivocal response to the Crown Heights riots in 1991, which pitted blacks and Ultra-Orthodox Jews in Brooklyn against each other. |
| The campaign kicked off in September 1992 with Mr. Giuliani presiding at a raucous rally of beer-drinking, mostly white police officers, some of whom stormed the steps of City Hall and then shut down the Brooklyn Bridge, holding signs that assailed Mr. Dinkins with racist slurs (“Dump the washroom attendant”). It was sufficiently disturbing that Bill Lynch, who ran Mr. Dinkins’s campaign, compared Mr. Giuliani to a figure who has re-emerged today in support of Mr. Trump: David Duke, a former leader of the Ku Klux Klan. | The campaign kicked off in September 1992 with Mr. Giuliani presiding at a raucous rally of beer-drinking, mostly white police officers, some of whom stormed the steps of City Hall and then shut down the Brooklyn Bridge, holding signs that assailed Mr. Dinkins with racist slurs (“Dump the washroom attendant”). It was sufficiently disturbing that Bill Lynch, who ran Mr. Dinkins’s campaign, compared Mr. Giuliani to a figure who has re-emerged today in support of Mr. Trump: David Duke, a former leader of the Ku Klux Klan. |
| The New York Times called the contest in 1993 “the Race Race,” not least because Mr. Giuliani accused his opponent of retreating into “black victimization” and, in another move that presaged Mr. Trump, had off-duty firefighters and police officers act as poll watchers. In apocalyptic tones, he sowed fears about rampant civic disorder, embodied by the urban plague of squeegee men, though in truth there were only ever about 75 of them in the city and crime had consistently declined by the end of Mr. Dinkins’s term. | The New York Times called the contest in 1993 “the Race Race,” not least because Mr. Giuliani accused his opponent of retreating into “black victimization” and, in another move that presaged Mr. Trump, had off-duty firefighters and police officers act as poll watchers. In apocalyptic tones, he sowed fears about rampant civic disorder, embodied by the urban plague of squeegee men, though in truth there were only ever about 75 of them in the city and crime had consistently declined by the end of Mr. Dinkins’s term. |
| “Rudy painted a picture of New York that was much more desperate than it was,” said Ester R. Fuchs, a professor of public affairs at Columbia University. “And he made himself the savior of the city. That’s why he’s so comfortable with the Trump mythology — he created the same mythology around himself.” | “Rudy painted a picture of New York that was much more desperate than it was,” said Ester R. Fuchs, a professor of public affairs at Columbia University. “And he made himself the savior of the city. That’s why he’s so comfortable with the Trump mythology — he created the same mythology around himself.” |
| Once in office, Mr. Giuliani remained committed to many of his moderate ideals, suing gun manufacturers and even suing the federal government when it cut off welfare benefits to immigrants. But seen from a distance, his eight-year tenure was in large part a master class on aggressive policing and helped to plant the seeds of the national debate over black and blue lives that swirled around this year’s presidential race. | Once in office, Mr. Giuliani remained committed to many of his moderate ideals, suing gun manufacturers and even suing the federal government when it cut off welfare benefits to immigrants. But seen from a distance, his eight-year tenure was in large part a master class on aggressive policing and helped to plant the seeds of the national debate over black and blue lives that swirled around this year’s presidential race. |
| In his first term in particular, Mr. Giuliani reached a tacit deal with white New Yorkers, who by and large accepted his program of cracking down on the homeless and on quality-of-life offenses. The policy, known as Broken Windows, corresponded with a deep decline in crime. But the strategy came under fire and the deal broke down — at least, among more liberal whites — as the police became involved in the conspicuous killings of Amadou Diallo, an unarmed Guinean man shot 19 times in a doorway in the Bronx, and Patrick Dorismond, a Haitian immigrant who was shot outside a bar near Times Square. | In his first term in particular, Mr. Giuliani reached a tacit deal with white New Yorkers, who by and large accepted his program of cracking down on the homeless and on quality-of-life offenses. The policy, known as Broken Windows, corresponded with a deep decline in crime. But the strategy came under fire and the deal broke down — at least, among more liberal whites — as the police became involved in the conspicuous killings of Amadou Diallo, an unarmed Guinean man shot 19 times in a doorway in the Bronx, and Patrick Dorismond, a Haitian immigrant who was shot outside a bar near Times Square. |
| Mr. Giuliani, who did not return phone calls seeking comment, is, in fact, still litigating that part of his legacy. During the campaign this summer, after Beyoncé re-enacted a police shooting in a racially-charged performance at the MTV Music Video Awards, he said the anti-crime approach that he had used as mayor “saved more black lives than any of those people you saw onstage.” | Mr. Giuliani, who did not return phone calls seeking comment, is, in fact, still litigating that part of his legacy. During the campaign this summer, after Beyoncé re-enacted a police shooting in a racially-charged performance at the MTV Music Video Awards, he said the anti-crime approach that he had used as mayor “saved more black lives than any of those people you saw onstage.” |
| “When we talk about the Rudy of today, we have to talk about the Rudy of the past,” said Christina Greer, who teaches political science at Fordham University. “People say, ‘What happened to him?’ But the fact is that nothing happened. He’s showing himself to the general public now in a way that black New Yorkers felt all along.” | “When we talk about the Rudy of today, we have to talk about the Rudy of the past,” said Christina Greer, who teaches political science at Fordham University. “People say, ‘What happened to him?’ But the fact is that nothing happened. He’s showing himself to the general public now in a way that black New Yorkers felt all along.” |
| Despite his attempts at governance, Mr. Giuliani’s second term was more or less an extended series of tantrums. The targets of his outbursts were numerous and varied: artists, jaywalkers, ferret owners, the state of Virginia (which refused to accept the city’s garbage), local black leaders (who refused to accept his approach to fighting crime), even his second wife, Donna Hanover (who learned on television that they were getting a divorce). | Despite his attempts at governance, Mr. Giuliani’s second term was more or less an extended series of tantrums. The targets of his outbursts were numerous and varied: artists, jaywalkers, ferret owners, the state of Virginia (which refused to accept the city’s garbage), local black leaders (who refused to accept his approach to fighting crime), even his second wife, Donna Hanover (who learned on television that they were getting a divorce). |
| Then came Sept. 11, which, by all accounts, was Mr. Giuliani’s finest hour. Rising to the challenge of the disaster, he stood at ground zero, caked in dust, evincing leaderly calm in his Fire Department baseball cap. Two weeks after the attacks, with bodies still emerging from the rubble, he stood with a rainbow array of Democrats, Republicans, rabbis, priests and imams at a prayer service at Yankee Stadium, where, defying the nation’s jingoistic mood, he delivered an encomium to unity and hope. | Then came Sept. 11, which, by all accounts, was Mr. Giuliani’s finest hour. Rising to the challenge of the disaster, he stood at ground zero, caked in dust, evincing leaderly calm in his Fire Department baseball cap. Two weeks after the attacks, with bodies still emerging from the rubble, he stood with a rainbow array of Democrats, Republicans, rabbis, priests and imams at a prayer service at Yankee Stadium, where, defying the nation’s jingoistic mood, he delivered an encomium to unity and hope. |
| “He reached his high point during 9/11,” said Douglas Muzzio, a professor of public affairs at Baruch College. “I remember him at all those firefighter funerals. He was sincere. It wasn’t a show. He really felt it.” | “He reached his high point during 9/11,” said Douglas Muzzio, a professor of public affairs at Baruch College. “I remember him at all those firefighter funerals. He was sincere. It wasn’t a show. He really felt it.” |
| But having reached that high point, Mr. Giuliani’s political career went downhill, or down a couple of different hills. As it turned out, if anything was an aberration, it was the gravitas and aura of command that he displayed in those trying times. | But having reached that high point, Mr. Giuliani’s political career went downhill, or down a couple of different hills. As it turned out, if anything was an aberration, it was the gravitas and aura of command that he displayed in those trying times. |
| In 2000, he had dropped his race for the United States Senate, which was notable mostly for his opponent, Mrs. Clinton, and for his strange appearance at New York’s Inner Circle press roast, where he dressed in drag and flirted with Mr. Trump. Leaving office in 2001, though only after a failed effort to secure a three-month extension of his term, he entered the private sector, making millions at his law firm, Bracewell & Giuliani, and his security consultancy, Giuliani Partners, but also drawing criticism for an occasionally awkward list of clients that included the drug company that produces OxyContin and the royal family of Qatar. | In 2000, he had dropped his race for the United States Senate, which was notable mostly for his opponent, Mrs. Clinton, and for his strange appearance at New York’s Inner Circle press roast, where he dressed in drag and flirted with Mr. Trump. Leaving office in 2001, though only after a failed effort to secure a three-month extension of his term, he entered the private sector, making millions at his law firm, Bracewell & Giuliani, and his security consultancy, Giuliani Partners, but also drawing criticism for an occasionally awkward list of clients that included the drug company that produces OxyContin and the royal family of Qatar. |
| After a first-night speaking slot at the Republican Convention in 2004 (where he employed the phrase “global terror” in some form at least a dozen times), Mr. Giuliani entered the campaign for the Republican presidential nomination in 2008, a multimillion-dollar catastrophe that netted him exactly one delegate. In 2010, he briefly considered the idea of running for governor of New York. After that, he settled into a comfortable, if marginal, existence on the right-wing fund-raising circuit and as a curmudgeon appearing regularly on Fox News. | After a first-night speaking slot at the Republican Convention in 2004 (where he employed the phrase “global terror” in some form at least a dozen times), Mr. Giuliani entered the campaign for the Republican presidential nomination in 2008, a multimillion-dollar catastrophe that netted him exactly one delegate. In 2010, he briefly considered the idea of running for governor of New York. After that, he settled into a comfortable, if marginal, existence on the right-wing fund-raising circuit and as a curmudgeon appearing regularly on Fox News. |
| That was the general state of things in June 2015 as Mr. Trump glided down from a faux-gold elevator into the most baroque and bizarre presidential campaign in American history. | That was the general state of things in June 2015 as Mr. Trump glided down from a faux-gold elevator into the most baroque and bizarre presidential campaign in American history. |
| Though Mr. Giuliani had known him for decades (New York mayors inevitably know local real estate developers), he was coy at first about offering support. In April, he told The New York Post that he was voting for Mr. Trump in the coming state primary, but it wasn’t until July, at this year’s convention, that Mr. Giuliani entered full, unbridled surrogate mode. | Though Mr. Giuliani had known him for decades (New York mayors inevitably know local real estate developers), he was coy at first about offering support. In April, he told The New York Post that he was voting for Mr. Trump in the coming state primary, but it wasn’t until July, at this year’s convention, that Mr. Giuliani entered full, unbridled surrogate mode. |
| None of his intimates could say what finally pushed him into the Trump camp beyond the fact that Mr. Trump had just won his party’s nomination and Mr. Giuliani likes to be in proximity to winners. And though the winner in this case was a spotlight-hogging reality TV star who stole Mr. Giuliani’s script for the sort of leading role he had never played himself, at least he had a part in the drama. | None of his intimates could say what finally pushed him into the Trump camp beyond the fact that Mr. Trump had just won his party’s nomination and Mr. Giuliani likes to be in proximity to winners. And though the winner in this case was a spotlight-hogging reality TV star who stole Mr. Giuliani’s script for the sort of leading role he had never played himself, at least he had a part in the drama. |
| “Rudy is a center-stage guy, and when the opportunity came to be close to someone running for the presidency, he said yes,” said Representative Peter King, a Long Island Republican who has known him for nearly 50 years. “It was something he couldn’t resist. It’s like a ballplayer. Put a bat in his hand, and he’ll swing.” | “Rudy is a center-stage guy, and when the opportunity came to be close to someone running for the presidency, he said yes,” said Representative Peter King, a Long Island Republican who has known him for nearly 50 years. “It was something he couldn’t resist. It’s like a ballplayer. Put a bat in his hand, and he’ll swing.” |
| It helped considerably that competitors for Mr. Trump’s ear had baggage of their own. Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey, who was named in May as the chairman of Mr. Trump’s transition team, was increasingly distracted by the legal proceedings surrounding the lane-closing scandal known as Bridgegate. The other was Newt Gingrich, the former Republican congressman and presidential candidate. | It helped considerably that competitors for Mr. Trump’s ear had baggage of their own. Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey, who was named in May as the chairman of Mr. Trump’s transition team, was increasingly distracted by the legal proceedings surrounding the lane-closing scandal known as Bridgegate. The other was Newt Gingrich, the former Republican congressman and presidential candidate. |
| “He saw an opening and took it,” said a former adviser to Mr. Giuliani, who, like others, spoke on the condition of anonymity so as not to upset a powerful man. “He also wanted something from the campaign. Not attorney general or homeland security — something more serious, like Defense or State.” | “He saw an opening and took it,” said a former adviser to Mr. Giuliani, who, like others, spoke on the condition of anonymity so as not to upset a powerful man. “He also wanted something from the campaign. Not attorney general or homeland security — something more serious, like Defense or State.” |
| Whatever his motives and cabinet position, should he get one, Mr. Giuliani’s vehement support of Mr. Trump has met with both disbelief and apprehension among old associates from City Hall, who worry about his legacy. John Avlon, one of his former speechwriters, was recently at a political event in Manhattan when someone asked what he has come to call “the question”: What in the world is up with Rudy? | Whatever his motives and cabinet position, should he get one, Mr. Giuliani’s vehement support of Mr. Trump has met with both disbelief and apprehension among old associates from City Hall, who worry about his legacy. John Avlon, one of his former speechwriters, was recently at a political event in Manhattan when someone asked what he has come to call “the question”: What in the world is up with Rudy? |
| “What I basically said was, ‘It would be a real disservice for Rudy Giuliani to be defined by this particular chapter,’” recalled Mr. Avlon, now the editor of The Daily Beast. “He has enthusiastically embraced the role of advocate for Donald Trump, which is a decision I don’t agree with. But good people can disagree. Apparently, he believes that Hillary would be worse for the country, and, as a result, he has been called upon to defend the indefensible.” | “What I basically said was, ‘It would be a real disservice for Rudy Giuliani to be defined by this particular chapter,’” recalled Mr. Avlon, now the editor of The Daily Beast. “He has enthusiastically embraced the role of advocate for Donald Trump, which is a decision I don’t agree with. But good people can disagree. Apparently, he believes that Hillary would be worse for the country, and, as a result, he has been called upon to defend the indefensible.” |
| Another question is where Mr. Giuliani goes from here. In this, too, it seems, good people can disagree. Some of his old colleagues said it was unlikely that he would be received again into New York City’s political circles after actively consorting with a candidate who was so beloved by the ethnocentric right, and who was repeatedly accused of sexual assault. | Another question is where Mr. Giuliani goes from here. In this, too, it seems, good people can disagree. Some of his old colleagues said it was unlikely that he would be received again into New York City’s political circles after actively consorting with a candidate who was so beloved by the ethnocentric right, and who was repeatedly accused of sexual assault. |
| “The person I see now makes me wonder if I ever really knew him in the first place,” said another of Mr. Giuliani’s former aides. “I’ve seen him cycle through extraordinary successes and failures in the past, but there’s no coming back from this one, not in New York.” | “The person I see now makes me wonder if I ever really knew him in the first place,” said another of Mr. Giuliani’s former aides. “I’ve seen him cycle through extraordinary successes and failures in the past, but there’s no coming back from this one, not in New York.” |
| This, of course, was spoken when nearly every media outlet in the country was predicting a Hillary Clinton victory. | This, of course, was spoken when nearly every media outlet in the country was predicting a Hillary Clinton victory. |
| Given that 47 percent of the country voted for Mr. Trump, at least in part because Mr. Giuliani had been stumping for him day and night, he may no longer be concerned about his image in his hometown. And if he is indeed headed to Washington, he can put in place, on a national stage, the agenda that he never got to finish in New York. | Given that 47 percent of the country voted for Mr. Trump, at least in part because Mr. Giuliani had been stumping for him day and night, he may no longer be concerned about his image in his hometown. And if he is indeed headed to Washington, he can put in place, on a national stage, the agenda that he never got to finish in New York. |
| “From Rudy’s point of view, this is what he was working for,” Mr. Siegel said. “He’ll never be president, but he’ll be influential, one of an inner circle of two or three people. This has all paid off for him. Enormously.” | “From Rudy’s point of view, this is what he was working for,” Mr. Siegel said. “He’ll never be president, but he’ll be influential, one of an inner circle of two or three people. This has all paid off for him. Enormously.” |