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| The Guardian view on the UK and Trump: hold on to liberal values | |
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| Contrary to the self-aggrandising boasts of Nigel Farage, Britain’s vote to leave the European Union did not beget the result of the US presidential election. There are analogous dynamics driving support for Brexit and for Donald Trump, just as there are comparable weaknesses in the remain proposition and Hillary Clinton’s candidacy. But the relationship is more metaphorical than causal. That, in any case, is the sense in which American commentary has appropriated the term Brexit – shorthand for the punishment administered by angry voters to what they perceive as a corrupt, metropolitan establishment. | Contrary to the self-aggrandising boasts of Nigel Farage, Britain’s vote to leave the European Union did not beget the result of the US presidential election. There are analogous dynamics driving support for Brexit and for Donald Trump, just as there are comparable weaknesses in the remain proposition and Hillary Clinton’s candidacy. But the relationship is more metaphorical than causal. That, in any case, is the sense in which American commentary has appropriated the term Brexit – shorthand for the punishment administered by angry voters to what they perceive as a corrupt, metropolitan establishment. |
| But Brexit is not a metaphor in the UK, it is government policy. The election of Mr Trump does very little to make its passage smoother. It adds new layers of diplomatic complexity and economic uncertainty. The existence of an eager trade partner in the US was axiomatic to the case for quitting the EU. When Barack Obama publicly warned Britain that its seat at various tables in Brussels was integral to the country’s strategic power in the world, he was dismissed by Boris Johnson as a meddlesome stooge of pro-European interests with spiteful motive informed by his part-African heritage. | But Brexit is not a metaphor in the UK, it is government policy. The election of Mr Trump does very little to make its passage smoother. It adds new layers of diplomatic complexity and economic uncertainty. The existence of an eager trade partner in the US was axiomatic to the case for quitting the EU. When Barack Obama publicly warned Britain that its seat at various tables in Brussels was integral to the country’s strategic power in the world, he was dismissed by Boris Johnson as a meddlesome stooge of pro-European interests with spiteful motive informed by his part-African heritage. |
| Mr Johnson did not anticipate that Mr Obama’s successor might be a man with no discernible capability in diplomacy, whose dominant trade policy during the campaign was tariff-hungry protectionism. The foreign secretary once said Mr Trump was “out of his mind”. Now he invites people to “be overwhelmingly positive” about the possibilities offered by the president-elect. Like many Brexit supporters, Mr Johnson is subordinating his prior concern about Mr Trump’s character to the commercial prospects of a bilateral trade deal. Brexiters find encouragement in Mr Trump’s assertion, reported from his first conversation with Theresa May, that “the UK is a very, very special place for me”. He invited the prime minister to visit Washington as soon as possible. But if the US election campaign teaches anything it is that the winner wields phrases like this indiscriminately and without any basis in conviction. | Mr Johnson did not anticipate that Mr Obama’s successor might be a man with no discernible capability in diplomacy, whose dominant trade policy during the campaign was tariff-hungry protectionism. The foreign secretary once said Mr Trump was “out of his mind”. Now he invites people to “be overwhelmingly positive” about the possibilities offered by the president-elect. Like many Brexit supporters, Mr Johnson is subordinating his prior concern about Mr Trump’s character to the commercial prospects of a bilateral trade deal. Brexiters find encouragement in Mr Trump’s assertion, reported from his first conversation with Theresa May, that “the UK is a very, very special place for me”. He invited the prime minister to visit Washington as soon as possible. But if the US election campaign teaches anything it is that the winner wields phrases like this indiscriminately and without any basis in conviction. |
| Meanwhile, for Britain’s European partners, the alarming turn of politics in the US increases the premium on continental solidarity and collaboration on the basis of shared democratic values – the basis that Angela Merkel cited as an explicit condition of partnership in her chilly statement of congratulation to Mr Trump. To Mrs Merkel and many other governments across the Channel, Brexit looks much more like a threat to the task of shoring up a stable international order than an opportunity. | Meanwhile, for Britain’s European partners, the alarming turn of politics in the US increases the premium on continental solidarity and collaboration on the basis of shared democratic values – the basis that Angela Merkel cited as an explicit condition of partnership in her chilly statement of congratulation to Mr Trump. To Mrs Merkel and many other governments across the Channel, Brexit looks much more like a threat to the task of shoring up a stable international order than an opportunity. |
| In this climate, it would be reassuring to believe that Mrs May has a clear-sighted understanding of Britain’s role in the world and a capability for swimming in turbulent geopolitical currents. It would be helpful if she gave at least the impression of possessing a strategic plan. There is little in her record before entering Downing Street to indicate an interest in foreign affairs, except insofar as it affected her job as home secretary – a necessarily parochial view dominated by immigration control and domestic security. | In this climate, it would be reassuring to believe that Mrs May has a clear-sighted understanding of Britain’s role in the world and a capability for swimming in turbulent geopolitical currents. It would be helpful if she gave at least the impression of possessing a strategic plan. There is little in her record before entering Downing Street to indicate an interest in foreign affairs, except insofar as it affected her job as home secretary – a necessarily parochial view dominated by immigration control and domestic security. |
| Since becoming prime minister, her handling of international diplomacy has exuded uncertainty, verging on discomfort. She has survived European summits without igniting controversy but not stamped any authority on the proceedings. Her trip to India this week was underwhelming. It was meant to demonstrate global intent, previewing Britain’s independent capacity to build trade relations with powerful nations. Instead, Mrs May was rebuked by the Indian prime minister for denying visas to students and skilled migrants. The visit did nothing to support the claim that Britain’s departure from the EU is economically liberating. It signalled instead a future of supplication – an isolated country asking for favours from governments that present counter-demands of their own. | Since becoming prime minister, her handling of international diplomacy has exuded uncertainty, verging on discomfort. She has survived European summits without igniting controversy but not stamped any authority on the proceedings. Her trip to India this week was underwhelming. It was meant to demonstrate global intent, previewing Britain’s independent capacity to build trade relations with powerful nations. Instead, Mrs May was rebuked by the Indian prime minister for denying visas to students and skilled migrants. The visit did nothing to support the claim that Britain’s departure from the EU is economically liberating. It signalled instead a future of supplication – an isolated country asking for favours from governments that present counter-demands of their own. |
| A degree of hesitancy is inevitable given that Mrs May is learning the practice and idiom of international relations on the job. Besides, her style is not to swagger or throw the weight of her office around – and that is to her credit. It is not surprising that the prime minister chose to play the opening moves in diplomacy with Mr Trump by the book, observing the usual protocols, though her liberal audience at home wishes she would show more awareness of the reasons for their alarm. British politicians have a history of vastly overstating their influence on US presidents and a habit of projecting American trends on to domestic contexts. In reality, our history, destiny and security are tied to our geographic neighbourhood and neither Mr Trump nor Brexit can change that. More likely, they will underline the point. | A degree of hesitancy is inevitable given that Mrs May is learning the practice and idiom of international relations on the job. Besides, her style is not to swagger or throw the weight of her office around – and that is to her credit. It is not surprising that the prime minister chose to play the opening moves in diplomacy with Mr Trump by the book, observing the usual protocols, though her liberal audience at home wishes she would show more awareness of the reasons for their alarm. British politicians have a history of vastly overstating their influence on US presidents and a habit of projecting American trends on to domestic contexts. In reality, our history, destiny and security are tied to our geographic neighbourhood and neither Mr Trump nor Brexit can change that. More likely, they will underline the point. |
| To navigate through newly turbulent international waters, Mrs May needs an account of British ambition that goes beyond the tactics of bilateral deals. She must understand, as Mrs Merkel does, that successful alliances combine mutual commercial interest and shared values. Brexit requires the nurturing of trade relations beyond Europe, but that imperative must not be the only lens through which the prime minister looks out on the world. It is worrying to observe that she appears not to have any others. | To navigate through newly turbulent international waters, Mrs May needs an account of British ambition that goes beyond the tactics of bilateral deals. She must understand, as Mrs Merkel does, that successful alliances combine mutual commercial interest and shared values. Brexit requires the nurturing of trade relations beyond Europe, but that imperative must not be the only lens through which the prime minister looks out on the world. It is worrying to observe that she appears not to have any others. |