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In South Sudan, Mass Killings, Rapes and the Limits of U.S. Diplomacy In South Sudan, Mass Killings, Rapes and the Limits of U.S. Diplomacy
(about 7 hours later)
UNITED NATIONS — Samantha Power had just boarded a United States Air Force plane on her way home from a three-country tour in Africa when the calls began to come in from Washington. South Sudan, the world’s newest country, had just erupted in civil war along ethnic lines.UNITED NATIONS — Samantha Power had just boarded a United States Air Force plane on her way home from a three-country tour in Africa when the calls began to come in from Washington. South Sudan, the world’s newest country, had just erupted in civil war along ethnic lines.
That was in December 2013. Ms. Power had taken over as the American ambassador to the United Nations three months earlier, and she wanted to fly immediately to Juba, the capital of South Sudan. What she would do there wasn’t clear, though, and after a series of intense exchanges with Washington, it was decided she would come home.That was in December 2013. Ms. Power had taken over as the American ambassador to the United Nations three months earlier, and she wanted to fly immediately to Juba, the capital of South Sudan. What she would do there wasn’t clear, though, and after a series of intense exchanges with Washington, it was decided she would come home.
The back-and-forth was a harbinger of the difficulties Ms. Power would face in trying to avert what the United Nations has said could become a genocide.The back-and-forth was a harbinger of the difficulties Ms. Power would face in trying to avert what the United Nations has said could become a genocide.
Today, the Obama administration’s South Sudan strategy is in tatters. Tens of thousands of people have been killed, the United Nations says, and rape has been rampant.Today, the Obama administration’s South Sudan strategy is in tatters. Tens of thousands of people have been killed, the United Nations says, and rape has been rampant.
The starkest diplomatic defeat for the United States came late last month. Ms. Power was unable to persuade the United Nations Security Council to impose an arms embargo on South Sudan and sanctions on key leaders.The starkest diplomatic defeat for the United States came late last month. Ms. Power was unable to persuade the United Nations Security Council to impose an arms embargo on South Sudan and sanctions on key leaders.
“Council members who didn’t support this resolution are taking a big gamble that South Sudan’s leaders will not instigate a catastrophe,” Ms. Power said, citing the world’s failure to respond to genocide in Rwanda in 1994.“Council members who didn’t support this resolution are taking a big gamble that South Sudan’s leaders will not instigate a catastrophe,” Ms. Power said, citing the world’s failure to respond to genocide in Rwanda in 1994.
But poor timing, bad judgment and a lack of a unified strategy have hampered the administration’s own efforts to avert a catastrophe, many advocates, aid workers, and former United States officials say. In turn, it has drawn attention to the limits of American influence — that too in a country whose very creation the United States supported enthusiastically, backing its independence from Sudan. But poor timing, bad judgment and a lack of a unified strategy have hampered the administration’s own efforts to avert a catastrophe, many advocates, aid workers and former United States officials say. In turn, it has drawn attention to the limits of American influence — that too in a country whose very creation the United States supported enthusiastically, backing its independence from Sudan.
It is also a reminder of how challenging it has been for Ms. Power in particular to put into effect the idea that she is best known for: using diplomacy to prevent mass atrocities.It is also a reminder of how challenging it has been for Ms. Power in particular to put into effect the idea that she is best known for: using diplomacy to prevent mass atrocities.
During her three-year tenure, Ms. Power has used her pulpit at the United Nations to denounce human rights abusers, particularly the United States’ rivals. She has used her last days on the job to promote the Obama administration’s diplomatic successes, including dismantling Syria’s chemical weapons and imposing new sanctions on North Korea.During her three-year tenure, Ms. Power has used her pulpit at the United Nations to denounce human rights abusers, particularly the United States’ rivals. She has used her last days on the job to promote the Obama administration’s diplomatic successes, including dismantling Syria’s chemical weapons and imposing new sanctions on North Korea.
And on Tuesday, she used her last speech as ambassador to inveigh against what she called Russia’s “aggressive and destabilizing actions,” from its annexation of Crimea to its meddling in the American presidential election. It served as a warning to President-elect Donald J. Trump without ever naming him. “Russia’s actions are not standing up a new world order,” she said at the Atlantic Council in Washington. “They are tearing down the one that exists.”And on Tuesday, she used her last speech as ambassador to inveigh against what she called Russia’s “aggressive and destabilizing actions,” from its annexation of Crimea to its meddling in the American presidential election. It served as a warning to President-elect Donald J. Trump without ever naming him. “Russia’s actions are not standing up a new world order,” she said at the Atlantic Council in Washington. “They are tearing down the one that exists.”
As for South Sudan, she has expressed confidence that its conflict will stay on the Trump administration’s radar. That could well be wishful thinking. South Sudan did not come up once during the confirmation hearing of Mr. Trump’s nominee for secretary of state, Rex W. Tillerson.As for South Sudan, she has expressed confidence that its conflict will stay on the Trump administration’s radar. That could well be wishful thinking. South Sudan did not come up once during the confirmation hearing of Mr. Trump’s nominee for secretary of state, Rex W. Tillerson.
When the South Sudan conflict began, in December 2013, it seemed to catch the Obama administration by surprise. At the time Ms. Power had rushed to the theater of another grisly ethnic conflict in Central African Republic. When the South Sudan conflict began, in December 2013, it seemed to catch the Obama administration by surprise. At the time Ms. Power had rushed to the theater of another grisly ethnic conflict in the Central African Republic.
Several times on that trip, Ms. Power was asked what lessons she drew from her book “A Problem From Hell: America and the Age of Genocide,” and what she believed the United States needed to do in the face of mass slaughter.Several times on that trip, Ms. Power was asked what lessons she drew from her book “A Problem From Hell: America and the Age of Genocide,” and what she believed the United States needed to do in the face of mass slaughter.
It seemed to loom over everything she said. At one point, jokingly, she said, “See, I knew I shouldn’t have written that book.”It seemed to loom over everything she said. At one point, jokingly, she said, “See, I knew I shouldn’t have written that book.”
The outbreak of fighting in South Sudan quickly cleaved along ethnic lines, between forces loyal to President Salva Kiir versus those supporting his former vice president, Riek Machar. Mr. Kiir is a member of the Dinka community, and Mr. Machar is Nuer.The outbreak of fighting in South Sudan quickly cleaved along ethnic lines, between forces loyal to President Salva Kiir versus those supporting his former vice president, Riek Machar. Mr. Kiir is a member of the Dinka community, and Mr. Machar is Nuer.
At the time, many advocates familiar with the region pressed the United States to get tougher with South Sudan’s leaders. John Prendergast, a former Africa expert in the Clinton administration who now runs an advocacy group called the Enough Project, said he had recommended targeted sanctions as early as January 2014. By that summer, after United Nations investigators chronicled human rights abuses “on a massive scale,” Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International backed an arms embargo.At the time, many advocates familiar with the region pressed the United States to get tougher with South Sudan’s leaders. John Prendergast, a former Africa expert in the Clinton administration who now runs an advocacy group called the Enough Project, said he had recommended targeted sanctions as early as January 2014. By that summer, after United Nations investigators chronicled human rights abuses “on a massive scale,” Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International backed an arms embargo.
Several former American officials said the administration had misjudged the rivalry between Mr. Kiir and Mr. Machar. They also said Susan Rice, the national security adviser, had been reluctant to put too much pressure on them — and in particular to impose an arms embargo. “There are some differences in Washington,” is how Princeton N. Lyman, a former American envoy to South Sudan, put it in March 2015. Some of it, he said later, stemmed from a “lingering sympathy” for the leaders they had empowered.Several former American officials said the administration had misjudged the rivalry between Mr. Kiir and Mr. Machar. They also said Susan Rice, the national security adviser, had been reluctant to put too much pressure on them — and in particular to impose an arms embargo. “There are some differences in Washington,” is how Princeton N. Lyman, a former American envoy to South Sudan, put it in March 2015. Some of it, he said later, stemmed from a “lingering sympathy” for the leaders they had empowered.
Asked recently about the differences within the White House, a senior administration official said only that “the U.S. position on this was based on a consensus decision within the interagency process.”Asked recently about the differences within the White House, a senior administration official said only that “the U.S. position on this was based on a consensus decision within the interagency process.”
By May 2015, with no peace deal in sight, the African Union asked the Security Council to impose an arms embargo.By May 2015, with no peace deal in sight, the African Union asked the Security Council to impose an arms embargo.
A peace deal was signed, only to be broken, repaired, and broken again. A peace deal was signed, only to be broken, repaired and broken again.
In November 2015, the African Union issued a harrowing report that documented massacres, rapes and a sharply deteriorating humanitarian situation.In November 2015, the African Union issued a harrowing report that documented massacres, rapes and a sharply deteriorating humanitarian situation.
On the ground, things got worse. By the summer of 2016, after full-scale fighting broke out in Juba, United Nations investigators documented a spate of ethnic killings and said that government troops had been responsible for mass rapes, including of children.On the ground, things got worse. By the summer of 2016, after full-scale fighting broke out in Juba, United Nations investigators documented a spate of ethnic killings and said that government troops had been responsible for mass rapes, including of children.
Still no arms embargo. No targeted sanctions against the top leadership. Instead, Ms. Power turned her attention to rallying the Security Council to authorize a surge of 4,000 peacekeepers from neighboring countries to secure Juba.Still no arms embargo. No targeted sanctions against the top leadership. Instead, Ms. Power turned her attention to rallying the Security Council to authorize a surge of 4,000 peacekeepers from neighboring countries to secure Juba.
That effort, said Kate Almquist Knopf, the director of the Africa Center for Strategic Studies, only underscored a lack of political strategy. By then, she said, it should have been plain to everyone that Mr. Kiir and Mr. Machar were unlikely to honor any peace deal.That effort, said Kate Almquist Knopf, the director of the Africa Center for Strategic Studies, only underscored a lack of political strategy. By then, she said, it should have been plain to everyone that Mr. Kiir and Mr. Machar were unlikely to honor any peace deal.
In September, on a trip to Juba, Ms. Power won a promise from South Sudan’s government to allow additional peacekeepers to enter the country.In September, on a trip to Juba, Ms. Power won a promise from South Sudan’s government to allow additional peacekeepers to enter the country.
Their deployment has been delayed by bureaucratic impediments, a lack of visas and conflicting statements by ministers, according to the United Nations chief.Their deployment has been delayed by bureaucratic impediments, a lack of visas and conflicting statements by ministers, according to the United Nations chief.
In November, the United Nations’ special adviser for genocide, Adama Dieng, issued the starkest warning: He urged the Council to take action to stop what he regarded as steps to genocide.In November, the United Nations’ special adviser for genocide, Adama Dieng, issued the starkest warning: He urged the Council to take action to stop what he regarded as steps to genocide.
By then, Ms. Power had won the rest of the Obama administration’s backing to pursue sanctions and an arms embargo. Ms. Rice expressed her support on Twitter, writing, “time is past for an arms embargo & sanctions against those stoking ethnic violence in #SouthSudan.”By then, Ms. Power had won the rest of the Obama administration’s backing to pursue sanctions and an arms embargo. Ms. Rice expressed her support on Twitter, writing, “time is past for an arms embargo & sanctions against those stoking ethnic violence in #SouthSudan.”
But by that time, the African members of the Council were not keen to impose sanctions. Russia called the resolution “senseless.” Even some United States allies were reluctant to support it.But by that time, the African members of the Council were not keen to impose sanctions. Russia called the resolution “senseless.” Even some United States allies were reluctant to support it.
Ms. Power issued grave warnings about “the human cost of imposing no cost for attacking civilians.”Ms. Power issued grave warnings about “the human cost of imposing no cost for attacking civilians.”
Her remarks echoed the dilemma at the heart of her book.Her remarks echoed the dilemma at the heart of her book.
“We have all been bystanders to genocide,” she wrote. “The crucial question is why.”“We have all been bystanders to genocide,” she wrote. “The crucial question is why.”