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The Great British cake plan is no more – that’s what Brussels heard May say 'Punishment beatings'? Not with Brussels being this emollient
(about 11 hours later)
Not for the first time, and probably not for the last, the most colourful and combative language in response to the prime minister’s speech on Brexit came from her own foreign secretary. In response to remarks from a French presidential aide, but which also appeared to have a more generally pre-emptive purpose, Boris Johnson warned François Hollande against wanting “to administer punishment beatings to anybody who chooses to escape, in the manner of some world war two movie”.Not for the first time, and probably not for the last, the most colourful and combative language in response to the prime minister’s speech on Brexit came from her own foreign secretary. In response to remarks from a French presidential aide, but which also appeared to have a more generally pre-emptive purpose, Boris Johnson warned François Hollande against wanting “to administer punishment beatings to anybody who chooses to escape, in the manner of some world war two movie”.
In the event, his warning – if intended as such – proved unnecessary, because when the official response to Theresa May’s address came from the European Union, everyone, including the president of the commission, Jean-Claude Juncker, seemed determined to be on best behaviour. (The fact that Johnson had been speaking during a visit to India might help to explain why his comments struck so much the wrong note.)In the event, his warning – if intended as such – proved unnecessary, because when the official response to Theresa May’s address came from the European Union, everyone, including the president of the commission, Jean-Claude Juncker, seemed determined to be on best behaviour. (The fact that Johnson had been speaking during a visit to India might help to explain why his comments struck so much the wrong note.)
The occasion was the opening press conference of the EU political year, and Juncker shared the podium with Malta’s prime minister, Joseph Muscat (Malta has just taken over the six-monthly presidency of the European Council), and the newly elected president of the European Parliament, Antonio Tajani. So the questions they had to field also related to the Maltese presidency and the changed power balance in the EU parliament.The occasion was the opening press conference of the EU political year, and Juncker shared the podium with Malta’s prime minister, Joseph Muscat (Malta has just taken over the six-monthly presidency of the European Council), and the newly elected president of the European Parliament, Antonio Tajani. So the questions they had to field also related to the Maltese presidency and the changed power balance in the EU parliament.
Brexit – delicately referred to by Juncker as “the British matter” – was presented as just another agenda item, albeit one where everyone seemed intent on staying on-message, that message being: keep calm and don’t let the UK think it is special.Brexit – delicately referred to by Juncker as “the British matter” – was presented as just another agenda item, albeit one where everyone seemed intent on staying on-message, that message being: keep calm and don’t let the UK think it is special.
If May’s purpose at Lancaster House was not only to fend off criticism from impatient Brexiters that she was moving too slowly, but also to reassure her soon-to-be-former European partners that there was at least some method in what many of them see as the UK’s madness, then she appeared largely to have succeeded. While Juncker said the process will be “very, very very difficult”, the main point he and the others drew from her 12 headings was that, at last, the UK had understood that it could not end free movement of people without forfeiting membership of the single market and of the customs union.If May’s purpose at Lancaster House was not only to fend off criticism from impatient Brexiters that she was moving too slowly, but also to reassure her soon-to-be-former European partners that there was at least some method in what many of them see as the UK’s madness, then she appeared largely to have succeeded. While Juncker said the process will be “very, very very difficult”, the main point he and the others drew from her 12 headings was that, at last, the UK had understood that it could not end free movement of people without forfeiting membership of the single market and of the customs union.
This suggests that a big fear in Brussels had been that a great deal of negotiating time would be spent with the UK attempting to trade off large pieces of free movement against small pieces of the single market. A close reading of May’s speech might leave the impression that there could still be some cheese-paring over the customs union. But the message heard, and welcomed, in Brussels was that the UK had accepted there would be no return to Johnson’s famed preference for having cake and eating it. If “taking back control” of its borders was more important to the UK than the single market, which it obviously was, then so be it.This suggests that a big fear in Brussels had been that a great deal of negotiating time would be spent with the UK attempting to trade off large pieces of free movement against small pieces of the single market. A close reading of May’s speech might leave the impression that there could still be some cheese-paring over the customs union. But the message heard, and welcomed, in Brussels was that the UK had accepted there would be no return to Johnson’s famed preference for having cake and eating it. If “taking back control” of its borders was more important to the UK than the single market, which it obviously was, then so be it.
There were other pointers, too, to the EU’s approach. First, no one will commit to anything before the UK has invoked article 50; they don’t even really want to comment. Second, however fiery some of the remarks by MEPs at their debate in the morning might have been, the powers-that-be are concerned to stay on-message with unity and restraint.There were other pointers, too, to the EU’s approach. First, no one will commit to anything before the UK has invoked article 50; they don’t even really want to comment. Second, however fiery some of the remarks by MEPs at their debate in the morning might have been, the powers-that-be are concerned to stay on-message with unity and restraint.
The unity was apparent in the joint appearance of Juncker, Tajani and Muscat, and the insistence that responsibility for negotiations would reside with the commission and its negotiator, Michel Barnier. If the UK has any designs on playing off one institution against another, then this is something that Juncker at least is concerned to discourage.The unity was apparent in the joint appearance of Juncker, Tajani and Muscat, and the insistence that responsibility for negotiations would reside with the commission and its negotiator, Michel Barnier. If the UK has any designs on playing off one institution against another, then this is something that Juncker at least is concerned to discourage.
Restraint was implicit in the general bonhomie on the platform today and made explicit by Juncker in his insistence to London that the mood in Brussels was not hostile. In other words, any “punishment beatings”, as per Boris Johnson, were many worlds away.Restraint was implicit in the general bonhomie on the platform today and made explicit by Juncker in his insistence to London that the mood in Brussels was not hostile. In other words, any “punishment beatings”, as per Boris Johnson, were many worlds away.
As of mid-January, then, the consensus in Brussels would appear to be to do or say nothing that would rock the boat – especially now the UK has decided not to quibble about membership of the single market. Whether the same calm can survive until the invocation of article 50 in late March, or – still less likely – into the start of negotiations proper is another matter.As of mid-January, then, the consensus in Brussels would appear to be to do or say nothing that would rock the boat – especially now the UK has decided not to quibble about membership of the single market. Whether the same calm can survive until the invocation of article 50 in late March, or – still less likely – into the start of negotiations proper is another matter.