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| Tam Dalyell, who has died aged 84, was a Labour MP for 43 years and Father of the House of Commons – the member with the longest unbroken service – when he retired in 2005. Although he never held ministerial office, he was one of the most recognisable and widely admired politicians of his era. This was not because Tam was always popular for the many causes he embraced, but due to the widespread recognition that he invariably adopted his positions on the basis of genuine belief, often recklessly in terms of his own self-interest. Even when he was utterly wrong, Tam could present his case with such serious-minded conviction as to create room for doubt. | Tam Dalyell, who has died aged 84, was a Labour MP for 43 years and Father of the House of Commons – the member with the longest unbroken service – when he retired in 2005. Although he never held ministerial office, he was one of the most recognisable and widely admired politicians of his era. This was not because Tam was always popular for the many causes he embraced, but due to the widespread recognition that he invariably adopted his positions on the basis of genuine belief, often recklessly in terms of his own self-interest. Even when he was utterly wrong, Tam could present his case with such serious-minded conviction as to create room for doubt. |
| He was probably best known to an audience outside Westminster for his pursuit of Margaret Thatcher over the sinking of the Argentinian cruiser General Belgrano with the loss of 323 lives during the Falklands war of 1982. Tam had resigned from Labour’s front bench due to his opposition to the deployment of a taskforce to recover the islands. His charge against the prime minister was that she had ordered the sinking of the Belgrano when it was outside the exclusion zone and heading back to port, posing no threat to British forces. The true purpose of the attack, Tam maintained, was to scupper a peace initiative that Peru was then leading. | He was probably best known to an audience outside Westminster for his pursuit of Margaret Thatcher over the sinking of the Argentinian cruiser General Belgrano with the loss of 323 lives during the Falklands war of 1982. Tam had resigned from Labour’s front bench due to his opposition to the deployment of a taskforce to recover the islands. His charge against the prime minister was that she had ordered the sinking of the Belgrano when it was outside the exclusion zone and heading back to port, posing no threat to British forces. The true purpose of the attack, Tam maintained, was to scupper a peace initiative that Peru was then leading. |
| Nobody could deliver a conspiracy theory like Tam. All over Britain, he played to packed houses as he prosecuted the indictment against Thatcher in forensic detail. While the case remained, at best, unproven, Tam became an unlikely hero in leftwing circles. He was propelled to Labour’s national executive committee (1986-87), while respect for him extended far beyond party lines for the dignified tenacity with which he pursued his mission. | Nobody could deliver a conspiracy theory like Tam. All over Britain, he played to packed houses as he prosecuted the indictment against Thatcher in forensic detail. While the case remained, at best, unproven, Tam became an unlikely hero in leftwing circles. He was propelled to Labour’s national executive committee (1986-87), while respect for him extended far beyond party lines for the dignified tenacity with which he pursued his mission. |
| The same applied to many of Tam’s campaigns. While he was often a thorn in the side of Labour colleagues, his allies and informants were usually drawn from unlikely quarters, and he seemed to know everyone within the British establishment. Even those who opposed him most ferociously would rarely fail to acknowledge his diligence as a parliamentarian and the courtesy with which he put his case. | The same applied to many of Tam’s campaigns. While he was often a thorn in the side of Labour colleagues, his allies and informants were usually drawn from unlikely quarters, and he seemed to know everyone within the British establishment. Even those who opposed him most ferociously would rarely fail to acknowledge his diligence as a parliamentarian and the courtesy with which he put his case. |
| Tam’s most sustained campaign was against Scottish nationalism in general and the establishment of a devolved Scottish parliament in particular. The latter, he insisted, was a motorway that would lead to the demand for independence, with no exit points along the way. Nothing that has happened since the first devolution referendum in 1979 has yet contradicted the longer-term validity of his theory: he surveyed the unfolding events in his last book, The Question of Scotland (2016). | Tam’s most sustained campaign was against Scottish nationalism in general and the establishment of a devolved Scottish parliament in particular. The latter, he insisted, was a motorway that would lead to the demand for independence, with no exit points along the way. Nothing that has happened since the first devolution referendum in 1979 has yet contradicted the longer-term validity of his theory: he surveyed the unfolding events in his last book, The Question of Scotland (2016). |
| Tam’s father, Gordon Loch, was a distinguished soldier and colonial administrator in the family tradition, who in 1928 had married Nora (Eleanor) Wilkie-Dalyell. When her father died seven years later, she inherited not only a stately home, The House of the Binns, near Linlithgow, the county town of West Lothian, between Edinburgh and Glasgow, but also the accompanying baronetcy, created in 1685. Unusually, it could be continued through the female line, and the family name was changed to Dalyell. | |
| As befitted this background, Tam, born in Edinburgh, was sent off to prep school in Cumbria before going on to Eton, where his fag was Jacob Rothschild, of the banking dynasty. He did his national service in the Royal Scots Greys (1950-52), acquiring a healthy scepticism for authority. Then he went to King’s College, Cambridge, where he studied history and economics and was chairman of the Conservative association before undergoing a gradual political metamorphosis, around the time of the Suez crisis of 1956. | As befitted this background, Tam, born in Edinburgh, was sent off to prep school in Cumbria before going on to Eton, where his fag was Jacob Rothschild, of the banking dynasty. He did his national service in the Royal Scots Greys (1950-52), acquiring a healthy scepticism for authority. Then he went to King’s College, Cambridge, where he studied history and economics and was chairman of the Conservative association before undergoing a gradual political metamorphosis, around the time of the Suez crisis of 1956. |
| By the time he returned to The Binns, Tam’s political path was firmly set. Having cut his electoral teeth in the Borders by contesting Roxburgh, Selkirk and Peebles in the 1959 general election, Tam entered the House of Commons at a byelection three years later. The route to his selection was characteristically improbable. | By the time he returned to The Binns, Tam’s political path was firmly set. Having cut his electoral teeth in the Borders by contesting Roxburgh, Selkirk and Peebles in the 1959 general election, Tam entered the House of Commons at a byelection three years later. The route to his selection was characteristically improbable. |
| Tam was a teacher at Bo’ness Academy in West Lothian (1956-60) and a dedicated promoter of extracurricular activities, with particular interests in football and promoting “ship schools”. He taught on the educational cruise ship Dunera (1961-62) and wrote two books on the subject. Normally, the West Lothian seat would have been the fiefdom of the National Union of Mineworkers. However, one of the smaller mining unions, Nacods, representing supervisory and safety staff, broke ranks at the behest of a delegate whose troubled grandson was one of Tam’s charges, and who had been highly impressed by the young teacher’s dedication and enthusiasm. Without that commendation, Tam believed, he would have had no chance of beating the NUM nominee. | Tam was a teacher at Bo’ness Academy in West Lothian (1956-60) and a dedicated promoter of extracurricular activities, with particular interests in football and promoting “ship schools”. He taught on the educational cruise ship Dunera (1961-62) and wrote two books on the subject. Normally, the West Lothian seat would have been the fiefdom of the National Union of Mineworkers. However, one of the smaller mining unions, Nacods, representing supervisory and safety staff, broke ranks at the behest of a delegate whose troubled grandson was one of Tam’s charges, and who had been highly impressed by the young teacher’s dedication and enthusiasm. Without that commendation, Tam believed, he would have had no chance of beating the NUM nominee. |
| The Scottish National party was beginning to make progress at a time of upheaval in the Scottish economy, including the decline of West Lothian’s shale mining industry. The byelection pitted Tam against William Wolfe, who owned a local foundry and would later become the party’s leader. Tam prevailed by 10,000 votes. Wolfe fought him at seven elections, which stands as a record. | The Scottish National party was beginning to make progress at a time of upheaval in the Scottish economy, including the decline of West Lothian’s shale mining industry. The byelection pitted Tam against William Wolfe, who owned a local foundry and would later become the party’s leader. Tam prevailed by 10,000 votes. Wolfe fought him at seven elections, which stands as a record. |
| In 1979, after Tam had been at his most prominent as an anti-devolutionist, he was widely predicted to lose his seat to Wolfe. In fact, his majority increased to more than 20,000. His diligence as a constituency MP was unwavering. In 1983 the West Lothian constituency was redrawn as Linlithgow, for which he continued to sit, and he was also a member of the European Parliament (1975-79) before it became directly elected. | In 1979, after Tam had been at his most prominent as an anti-devolutionist, he was widely predicted to lose his seat to Wolfe. In fact, his majority increased to more than 20,000. His diligence as a constituency MP was unwavering. In 1983 the West Lothian constituency was redrawn as Linlithgow, for which he continued to sit, and he was also a member of the European Parliament (1975-79) before it became directly elected. |
| As Tam was fond of pointing out, he was the last man standing in Labour politics who had experienced the nationalist rise from its outset and knew a thing or two about how to address it. This had set him on a collision course with committed devolutionists such as John Smith and Donald Dewar, who believed that a devolved parliament could indeed become the settled will of the Scottish people. | As Tam was fond of pointing out, he was the last man standing in Labour politics who had experienced the nationalist rise from its outset and knew a thing or two about how to address it. This had set him on a collision course with committed devolutionists such as John Smith and Donald Dewar, who believed that a devolved parliament could indeed become the settled will of the Scottish people. |
| Tam’s opposition to a devolved assembly prevailed in the 1979 referendum, but the Thatcher-Major years, and impositions like the poll tax, persuaded most who shared his concerns within Labour ranks that the push for a Scottish parliament was irresistible. When the Scottish Constitutional Convention produced its blueprint for post-1997 devolution, Tam was the only Scottish Labour MP who did not sign it. | Tam’s opposition to a devolved assembly prevailed in the 1979 referendum, but the Thatcher-Major years, and impositions like the poll tax, persuaded most who shared his concerns within Labour ranks that the push for a Scottish parliament was irresistible. When the Scottish Constitutional Convention produced its blueprint for post-1997 devolution, Tam was the only Scottish Labour MP who did not sign it. |
| From his earliest days in the House of Commons, Tam sought to master procedure and develop the art of incisive questioning. He was fast-tracked on to the public accounts committee by Harold Wilson, and when Labour won in 1964 became parliamentary private secretary to Richard Crossman, to whom he remained devoted, making him the subject of his book Dick Crossman: A Portrait (1989). | From his earliest days in the House of Commons, Tam sought to master procedure and develop the art of incisive questioning. He was fast-tracked on to the public accounts committee by Harold Wilson, and when Labour won in 1964 became parliamentary private secretary to Richard Crossman, to whom he remained devoted, making him the subject of his book Dick Crossman: A Portrait (1989). |
| His first notable foray from the backbenches was as parliamentary spearhead of a campaign to save Aldabra, an atoll in the Indian Ocean, from development as a military airport. He bombarded ministers with 70 questions and used his extraordinary network of connections, including Hubert Humphrey, then the US vice-president, to lobby against the plans. Aldabra was saved. | His first notable foray from the backbenches was as parliamentary spearhead of a campaign to save Aldabra, an atoll in the Indian Ocean, from development as a military airport. He bombarded ministers with 70 questions and used his extraordinary network of connections, including Hubert Humphrey, then the US vice-president, to lobby against the plans. Aldabra was saved. |
| Less propitiously, Tam was arraigned at the bar of the House in 1965 for leaking details of a select committee report on Porton Down, the military secret weapons research centre near Salisbury, in Wiltshire. Tam wondered what all the fuss was about: “I knew from my knowledge of chemistry that there were no possible secrets there.” | Less propitiously, Tam was arraigned at the bar of the House in 1965 for leaking details of a select committee report on Porton Down, the military secret weapons research centre near Salisbury, in Wiltshire. Tam wondered what all the fuss was about: “I knew from my knowledge of chemistry that there were no possible secrets there.” |
| By the time Labour returned to office in 1974, such episodes had branded Tam as too much of a loner for ministerial office. He was pro-Common Market, anti-Scottish devolution, an inveterate irritant to a wide range of Labour grandees, and later on opposed British military involvement in the Gulf and Iraq wars. Cast as a maverick, he continued to play the role with enthusiasm. By insistently asking about the contradiction inherent in Scottish MPs being able to legislate for “Blackburn in Lancashire but not Blackburn in West Lothian” in 1977, he inspired Enoch Powell to dub this “the West Lothian question”. | By the time Labour returned to office in 1974, such episodes had branded Tam as too much of a loner for ministerial office. He was pro-Common Market, anti-Scottish devolution, an inveterate irritant to a wide range of Labour grandees, and later on opposed British military involvement in the Gulf and Iraq wars. Cast as a maverick, he continued to play the role with enthusiasm. By insistently asking about the contradiction inherent in Scottish MPs being able to legislate for “Blackburn in Lancashire but not Blackburn in West Lothian” in 1977, he inspired Enoch Powell to dub this “the West Lothian question”. |
| Yet Tam would have loved to hold ministerial office and actually run something. The nearest he came was when Michael Foot made him Labour’s science spokesman (1980-82). Tam had long written a column for the New Scientist and immersed himself in his new role. | Yet Tam would have loved to hold ministerial office and actually run something. The nearest he came was when Michael Foot made him Labour’s science spokesman (1980-82). Tam had long written a column for the New Scientist and immersed himself in his new role. |
| It saddened him greatly to resign over the Falklands, but that, undoubtedly, summed up the nature of the man. Sometimes it came across as insensitive self-centredness, but to his many admirers Tam appeared simply as a man of principle in an age when few politicians were credited with that quality. He titled his autobiography The Importance of Being Awkward (2011). | It saddened him greatly to resign over the Falklands, but that, undoubtedly, summed up the nature of the man. Sometimes it came across as insensitive self-centredness, but to his many admirers Tam appeared simply as a man of principle in an age when few politicians were credited with that quality. He titled his autobiography The Importance of Being Awkward (2011). |
| Tam’s equally remarkable wife, Kathleen (nee Wheatley), whom he married in 1963, is herself a product of the dynasty that played a prominent role in Labour history. They met after she had worked on his first West Lothian campaign. As well as being a leading figure in the heritage world and supporting Tam’s political work, Kathleen acted as chatelaine of The Binns, ownership of which Tam’s mother handed over to the National Trust for Scotland in 1944. Through his mother, Tam inherited the baronetcy of Dalyell in 1972, but did not use the title. | Tam’s equally remarkable wife, Kathleen (nee Wheatley), whom he married in 1963, is herself a product of the dynasty that played a prominent role in Labour history. They met after she had worked on his first West Lothian campaign. As well as being a leading figure in the heritage world and supporting Tam’s political work, Kathleen acted as chatelaine of The Binns, ownership of which Tam’s mother handed over to the National Trust for Scotland in 1944. Through his mother, Tam inherited the baronetcy of Dalyell in 1972, but did not use the title. |
| He is survived by Kathleen and by their son, Gordon, and daughter, Moira, both lawyers. | He is survived by Kathleen and by their son, Gordon, and daughter, Moira, both lawyers. |
| • Tam (Thomas) Dalyell, politician, born 9 August 1932; died 26 January 2017 | • Tam (Thomas) Dalyell, politician, born 9 August 1932; died 26 January 2017 |
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