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Theresa May, Trump and the travel ban: her position could not hold Theresa May, Trump and the travel ban: her position could not hold
(about 13 hours later)
“Divisive, unhelpful and wrong.” That was how Theresa May described Donald Trump’s suggestion that Muslims should be banned from the US in December 2015, when he was still fighting to be the Republican candidate for presidency and she was home secretary. “Divisive, unhelpful and wrong.” That was how Theresa May described Donald Trump’s suggestion that Muslims should be banned from the US in December 2015, when he was still fighting to be the Republican candidate for the presidency and she was home secretary.
It was always too much to hope that May, as prime minister, might choose her first visit to meet the new leader of the United States for a historic Love Actually moment in which she reminded the world about those views. After all, Downing Street has made very clear that pragmatism will rule when it comes to UK-US, and May-Trump, relations. It was always too much to hope that as prime minister, she might choose her first meeting with the new leader of the United States for a historic Love Actually moment in which she reminded the world about those views. After all, Downing Street has made very clear that pragmatism will rule when it comes to UK-US, and May-Trump, relations.
This trip was not about calling things out, but about securing a love-in that might take advantage of the potential benefits to Britain of a Trump presidency – namely his promise to propel a post-Brexit UK from the back to the front of the trade queue.This trip was not about calling things out, but about securing a love-in that might take advantage of the potential benefits to Britain of a Trump presidency – namely his promise to propel a post-Brexit UK from the back to the front of the trade queue.
The aim was to build an image of the US and the UK hand in hand, although I’m sure even the prime minister’s advisers cringed when they saw Trump actually grasp hold of May. The aim was to build an image of the US and the UK hand in hand, although I’m sure even the prime minister’s advisers cringed when they saw Trump physically grasp hold of the prime minister.
That awkwardness aside, Downing Street saw the visit as a huge strategic coup. And yet even as the prime minister boarded a plane headed to Philadelphia pressure was mounting about how she might use the visit to express British disquiet. That awkwardness aside, Downing Street saw the visit as a strategic coup. And yet even as the prime minister boarded a plane headed to Philadelphia there was growing hope that she might use the visit to express British disquiet about some of Trump’s first moves as president.
Already there was a clamour from MPs – including on parliament’s intelligence and security committee – to express British alarm at Trump’s latest comments in support of extreme interrogation techniques such as waterboarding. Already there was a clamour from MPs to express British alarm at his latest comments in support of extreme interrogation techniques such as waterboarding.
Would she raise it? May told reporters travelling with her that Britain condemned the use of torture and that “my view on that won’t change, whether I’m talking to you, or talking to President Trump”. To be fair to the prime minister, it was not until after her meeting that Trump made his next, highly controversial move: to stop people from seven countries entering the US. But her decision not to condemn the decision during the second leg of the tour in Turkey quickly turned any focus on the visit from warm words on trade and strong language on Nato to mounting anger about a failure to speak out.
But there was no actual promise to bring up the issue and instead the talk was all about how to “deepen” links between the two countries. By then May had the choice to either line up with those such as the controversial Ukip donor Arron Banks defending Trump, or to agree with the many Conservative MPs joining the likes of Jeremy Corbyn, Sadiq Khan and Tim Farron in criticising the policy. The Tory critics included the party’s leader in Scotland, Ruth Davidson, and the former chair Sayeeda Warsi.
It was a position May was determined to hold, despite showing on the second leg of her trip in Turkey that she was capable of raising difficult issues with other world leaders. At a huge palace overlooking Ankara, May addressed human rights questions next to a stony-faced Turkish president. Heidi Allen MP said: “I don’t care how special the relationship is, some lines just shouldn’t be crossed.” And her Tory colleague Sarah Wollaston demanded that Trump not be allowed to address MPs in Westminster Hall for a state visit later this year. And then there was the question of British nationals with another Tory MP, Nadhim Zahawi, facing being banned alongside Olympic star and British hero Sir Mo Farah.
By then Trump had enacted the most extreme of his campaign policies, that promise May once condemned as divisive, unhelpful and wrong: to ban Muslims from seven countries from entering the US. Government aides spent Sunday trying to tackle the crisis. Their late night statement about disagreeing with the policy, was followed by public interventions from the chief secretary to the Treasury, David Gauke, and then foreign secretary Boris Johnson, who said it was “wrong to stigmatise because of nationality”. Quickly arranged conversations between Johnson and Amber Rudd and their US counterparts followed.
But still May could not bring herself to criticise her new friend – even when virtually heckled by British journalists frustrated at not getting a straight answer on the question of the ban. But the headache lingers for May, as other world leaders are much clearer in their condemnation of Trump, while Downing street insists that the state visit invite is not being rescinded. That is despite even Davidson questioning how it could occur.
That position could not possibly hold. Because May’s choice was by now either to line up with those such as the controversial Ukip donor Arron Banks defending Trump, or to agree with the many Conservative MPs joining the likes of Jeremy Corbyn, Sadiq Khan and Tim Farron in criticising the policy. The Tory critics included the party’s leader in Scotland, Ruth Davidson, and the former chair Sayeeda Warsi. On Monday May — perhaps via her foreign secretary — will need to field questions about what she knew and when, and if she raised any concerns in private. Labour will demand to know why Canada was able to offer reassurances on Saturday that Britain could not. And meanwhile a government petition is growing at pace.
Heidi Allen MP said: “I don’t care how special the relationship is, some lines just shouldn’t be crossed.” And her Tory colleague Sarah Wollaston demanded that Trump not be allowed to address MPs in Westminster Hall for a state visit later this year, arguing the room should be reserved for those who had made an “outstanding positive contribution”. And then there was the question of British nationals involved in the debacle. The prime minister now faces a thorny dilemma: how to remain dignified alongside her desire to build an economic relationship with the US that can help Britain navigate its post-Brexit journey.
Another Tory MP, Nadhim Zahawi, said he and his wife, both Iraqi-born, had been told they would be banned, as might the Olympic star and British hero Mo Farah.
As May began her journey home from Turkey, the Trump love-in had become more awkward and the lack of critique less acceptable amid growing pressure for Britain to take a stand.
By the time the prime minister landed at Heathrow, surely even advisers saw that the visit had been characterised more by crisis than triumph.
By 16 minutes past midnight a Downing Street statement stressed that May did not agree with Trump’s policy, and the chief secretary to the Treasury, David Gauke, warned it could be counterproductive.
But was it too little, too late? Many are clamouring for condemnation from the British prime minister, who they hope will take a clear stand with Trump’s state visit.