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| What the Watergate Committee Taught Me | What the Watergate Committee Taught Me |
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| Forty-five years ago this month, a security guard named Frank Wills noticed some tape over a door lock at the Democratic National Committee headquarters in the Watergate Complex in Washington. What Mr. Wills set in motion when he raised the alarm that led to the arrest of the Watergate burglars had huge consequences for our nation. | Forty-five years ago this month, a security guard named Frank Wills noticed some tape over a door lock at the Democratic National Committee headquarters in the Watergate Complex in Washington. What Mr. Wills set in motion when he raised the alarm that led to the arrest of the Watergate burglars had huge consequences for our nation. |
| In President Richard Nixon’s efforts to hide the truth of the Watergate burglary, it was paramount to stop the F.B.I. investigation. So the president enlisted the C.I.A. director and his deputy to intercede. When the F.B.I. director pushed back and the intelligence officers refused to continue the White House scheme, the cover-up began its slow unraveling. | In President Richard Nixon’s efforts to hide the truth of the Watergate burglary, it was paramount to stop the F.B.I. investigation. So the president enlisted the C.I.A. director and his deputy to intercede. When the F.B.I. director pushed back and the intelligence officers refused to continue the White House scheme, the cover-up began its slow unraveling. |
| It took time. It was 16 months before Mr. Nixon topped that initial obstruction by firing the special prosecutor and the two senior Justice Department officers. And then, a few months later, it was disclosed that Mr. Nixon had underpaid his taxes for years, and he was forced to pay hundreds of thousands in restitution. All the while, Mr. Nixon’s defenders claimed the investigations were a partisan payback for his 1972 election victory. | It took time. It was 16 months before Mr. Nixon topped that initial obstruction by firing the special prosecutor and the two senior Justice Department officers. And then, a few months later, it was disclosed that Mr. Nixon had underpaid his taxes for years, and he was forced to pay hundreds of thousands in restitution. All the while, Mr. Nixon’s defenders claimed the investigations were a partisan payback for his 1972 election victory. |
| As the last living member of the Senate committee that investigated the Watergate affair, I am often asked about what similarities I see between the criminality of the Nixon operation and this hash of a presidency that is the Trump White House. My answer is that there is no comparison. Yet. | As the last living member of the Senate committee that investigated the Watergate affair, I am often asked about what similarities I see between the criminality of the Nixon operation and this hash of a presidency that is the Trump White House. My answer is that there is no comparison. Yet. |
| Watergate was a multimillion-dollar enterprise of political spying, bribery, burglary, fraud and other criminal and unconstitutional activities run out of the White House over several years. As a result, some two dozen close associates of the president went to prison, and the president resigned to avoid impeachment proceedings. Mr. Nixon himself probably avoided prosecution only because of the pardon granted by his successor, President Gerald Ford. The scandal destroyed the Republican Party as we knew it. | Watergate was a multimillion-dollar enterprise of political spying, bribery, burglary, fraud and other criminal and unconstitutional activities run out of the White House over several years. As a result, some two dozen close associates of the president went to prison, and the president resigned to avoid impeachment proceedings. Mr. Nixon himself probably avoided prosecution only because of the pardon granted by his successor, President Gerald Ford. The scandal destroyed the Republican Party as we knew it. |
| Remember, Watergate was years in the making. We are only months into the Trump administration. There is ample cause for concern, and I hear disturbing echoes of the past. | |
| President Trump’s reflexive use of official statements to lie about facts large and small, and his directing of his staff to do the same through the media, are redolent of the Nixon White House, even as Washington shakes almost daily to the sonic booms of revelations. | President Trump’s reflexive use of official statements to lie about facts large and small, and his directing of his staff to do the same through the media, are redolent of the Nixon White House, even as Washington shakes almost daily to the sonic booms of revelations. |
| There is evidence of meetings about stopping F.B.I. investigations, and there are allegations of attempts to influence the nation’s top intelligence officers. The attorney general has a conflict of interest and can’t credibly pursue shocking evidence of attempts to fix the presidential election. A special counsel has been named as committees in Congress issue subpoenas and reporters file stories from sources that apparently include people with access to the Oval Office. | There is evidence of meetings about stopping F.B.I. investigations, and there are allegations of attempts to influence the nation’s top intelligence officers. The attorney general has a conflict of interest and can’t credibly pursue shocking evidence of attempts to fix the presidential election. A special counsel has been named as committees in Congress issue subpoenas and reporters file stories from sources that apparently include people with access to the Oval Office. |
| Whether or not the account of the fired F.B.I. director, James Comey, of Mr. Trump’s ask for “loyalty” is confirmed by any White House recording system, this idea of allegiance to the man or the party, rather than to the office or the Constitution, is the strongest echo from that murky period of our past. The Constitution was framed to protect us from criminality and abuse of power by government officials, but it requires men and women with grit and ability to withstand political and personal vilification. There are no guarantees. | Whether or not the account of the fired F.B.I. director, James Comey, of Mr. Trump’s ask for “loyalty” is confirmed by any White House recording system, this idea of allegiance to the man or the party, rather than to the office or the Constitution, is the strongest echo from that murky period of our past. The Constitution was framed to protect us from criminality and abuse of power by government officials, but it requires men and women with grit and ability to withstand political and personal vilification. There are no guarantees. |
| At the outset of the Watergate hearings, there was a strong measure of bipartisan commitment to the truth in Congress. When I listen to tapes of our sessions, I am struck by how difficult it can be to distinguish between a Republican and a Democratic questioner. But as time passed, partisanship and public fatigue threatened to keep facts hidden. A widespread cynicism took hold, and some politicians took advantage of this to play down or excuse the president’s actions, and even to smear or block the investigations. | At the outset of the Watergate hearings, there was a strong measure of bipartisan commitment to the truth in Congress. When I listen to tapes of our sessions, I am struck by how difficult it can be to distinguish between a Republican and a Democratic questioner. But as time passed, partisanship and public fatigue threatened to keep facts hidden. A widespread cynicism took hold, and some politicians took advantage of this to play down or excuse the president’s actions, and even to smear or block the investigations. |
| When the inquiries moved closer to the White House, elected officials on both sides of the aisle rallied to Mr. Nixon or stayed quiet. Less than a year before his resignation, Mr. Nixon’s attempt to withhold the most damaging recordings of his cover-up conspiracy received support from many members of Congress. | When the inquiries moved closer to the White House, elected officials on both sides of the aisle rallied to Mr. Nixon or stayed quiet. Less than a year before his resignation, Mr. Nixon’s attempt to withhold the most damaging recordings of his cover-up conspiracy received support from many members of Congress. |
| That is why we must remember that even our most dogged public servants will falter without public support. When the executive goes rogue, we have James Madison and his magnificent document for our authority. But our Constitution is only as powerful as the will of our people to enforce it. | That is why we must remember that even our most dogged public servants will falter without public support. When the executive goes rogue, we have James Madison and his magnificent document for our authority. But our Constitution is only as powerful as the will of our people to enforce it. |
| While we depend upon women and men like Sally Yates and Robert Mueller, and our members of Congress, to do their jobs without fear or favor, public interest and support are critical. Constitution and courage — both are needed to get to the bottom of crimes and abuses of power, but ultimately it is up to Americans to hold their government to account. | While we depend upon women and men like Sally Yates and Robert Mueller, and our members of Congress, to do their jobs without fear or favor, public interest and support are critical. Constitution and courage — both are needed to get to the bottom of crimes and abuses of power, but ultimately it is up to Americans to hold their government to account. |
| When the committee released its final report on Watergate on June 27, 1974, I offered a few additional recommendations. “This won’t be the Watergate to end all Watergates,” I wrote. “Other men will tape the doors of America in other times. Whether they succeed will be a matter of spirit. For then as now, the state of our spirit will determine the state of this Union.” | When the committee released its final report on Watergate on June 27, 1974, I offered a few additional recommendations. “This won’t be the Watergate to end all Watergates,” I wrote. “Other men will tape the doors of America in other times. Whether they succeed will be a matter of spirit. For then as now, the state of our spirit will determine the state of this Union.” |
| That’s my comparison. | That’s my comparison. |