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Labour used to be the party that saw the folly of leaving the EU Labour used to be the party that saw the folly of leaving the EU
(17 days later)
Sun 30 Jul 2017 00.05 BSTSun 30 Jul 2017 00.05 BST
Last modified on Sat 2 Dec 2017 02.54 GMT Last modified on Wed 14 Feb 2018 15.35 GMT
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What have David Cameron (Tory prime minister, 2010-16), and Harold Wilson (Labour prime minister, 1964-70 and 1974-76) got in common?What have David Cameron (Tory prime minister, 2010-16), and Harold Wilson (Labour prime minister, 1964-70 and 1974-76) got in common?
Answer: in order to keep their respective parties together, because they were split over “Europe”, each of them called a referendum. Wilson triumphed, and went down in history as a consummate politician, indeed statesman. Cameron failed lamentably, and his mishandling of this vital issue is sometimes described as the biggest prime ministerial disaster brought upon the nation since Lord North lost the American colonies.Answer: in order to keep their respective parties together, because they were split over “Europe”, each of them called a referendum. Wilson triumphed, and went down in history as a consummate politician, indeed statesman. Cameron failed lamentably, and his mishandling of this vital issue is sometimes described as the biggest prime ministerial disaster brought upon the nation since Lord North lost the American colonies.
The Conservative party is probably split even more over Europe now than it was before; and, although the extent of the disaster is dawning only slowly on the British public, most foreigners I meet – from France to Japan – scratch their heads and ask “why has your once great country voted to commit economic suicide?”The Conservative party is probably split even more over Europe now than it was before; and, although the extent of the disaster is dawning only slowly on the British public, most foreigners I meet – from France to Japan – scratch their heads and ask “why has your once great country voted to commit economic suicide?”
Why indeed. Well, one points out to them that only 37% of the electorate voted to leave; that the referendum was “advisory”; and that, when he feared he was going to lose by a narrow margin, the egregious Nigel Farage stated that, in the event of a close vote, there should be another referendum.Why indeed. Well, one points out to them that only 37% of the electorate voted to leave; that the referendum was “advisory”; and that, when he feared he was going to lose by a narrow margin, the egregious Nigel Farage stated that, in the event of a close vote, there should be another referendum.
The narrowness of the result does not, sad to say, prevent distinguished BBC interviewers who ought to know better from prefacing questions with preambles such as “we know the nation voted to take back control, but… ”The narrowness of the result does not, sad to say, prevent distinguished BBC interviewers who ought to know better from prefacing questions with preambles such as “we know the nation voted to take back control, but… ”
The nation? Well, a small proportion of it. Control? Alas, one fears that many Brexiters had only the vaguest understanding of what that actually meant. “Country back”? A country much of whose industry and public utilities are foreign-owned?The nation? Well, a small proportion of it. Control? Alas, one fears that many Brexiters had only the vaguest understanding of what that actually meant. “Country back”? A country much of whose industry and public utilities are foreign-owned?
The sheer folly of this self-inflicted wound is illustrated by the fact that, until it was called, our relationship with the rest of the European Union was way down the list of people’s concerns in repeated surveys. However, Cameron lifted the stone, and Ukip had a field day.The sheer folly of this self-inflicted wound is illustrated by the fact that, until it was called, our relationship with the rest of the European Union was way down the list of people’s concerns in repeated surveys. However, Cameron lifted the stone, and Ukip had a field day.
What continues to mystify is the way that worshippers of Margaret Thatcher on the right of the Conservative party have turned against her. After the two-to-one vote in favour of Remain in 1975, Thatcher joined in “rejoicing over this excellent result”. She added: “Also, one cannot let this occasion pass without paying tribute to the vision of Sir Winston Churchill and the courage of Harold Macmillan, who made the original application.” (Of course, she should also have praised Edward Heath, who succeeded in his application. But then, relations between the two were, shall we say, somewhat strained.)What continues to mystify is the way that worshippers of Margaret Thatcher on the right of the Conservative party have turned against her. After the two-to-one vote in favour of Remain in 1975, Thatcher joined in “rejoicing over this excellent result”. She added: “Also, one cannot let this occasion pass without paying tribute to the vision of Sir Winston Churchill and the courage of Harold Macmillan, who made the original application.” (Of course, she should also have praised Edward Heath, who succeeded in his application. But then, relations between the two were, shall we say, somewhat strained.)
Joining the European single market in the mid-1990s was one of Thatcher’s finest achievements. Last weekend I met a Treasury minister from those days who recalled that, at the time, Tory Eurosceptics were overjoyed by it.Joining the European single market in the mid-1990s was one of Thatcher’s finest achievements. Last weekend I met a Treasury minister from those days who recalled that, at the time, Tory Eurosceptics were overjoyed by it.
It is true that, in common with the Treasury and many others, Thatcher found many aspects of the European Union intensely irritating. She certainly fought her corner. But Lord Powell, the civil servant who knew her mind as well as anyone, is convinced that, had she been still with us, the heroine of the Eurosceptics (always pronounced “euroseptics” by Heath) would have supported Remain.It is true that, in common with the Treasury and many others, Thatcher found many aspects of the European Union intensely irritating. She certainly fought her corner. But Lord Powell, the civil servant who knew her mind as well as anyone, is convinced that, had she been still with us, the heroine of the Eurosceptics (always pronounced “euroseptics” by Heath) would have supported Remain.
And the Treasury, that least “European” of departments, can see when the country is heading for a cliff. Hence Philip Hammond is doing everything possible to soften the blow.And the Treasury, that least “European” of departments, can see when the country is heading for a cliff. Hence Philip Hammond is doing everything possible to soften the blow.
But back to the party that was led by Harold Wilson, and is now in the hands of Jeremy Corbyn. Wilson was originally lukewarm about Europe, and always thought the arguments were finely balanced. Shortly before the 1975 referendum, there was a special conference of Labour’s national executive at the Sobell sports centre in Islington, in the heart of what is now Corbyn’s constituency. The vote was two-to-one for Leave: but as Wilson’s biographer Ben Pimlott wrote, “behind the speakers’ rostrum a banner had been carefully placed for the television cameras, with the message ‘Conference Advises – the People Decide’.”But back to the party that was led by Harold Wilson, and is now in the hands of Jeremy Corbyn. Wilson was originally lukewarm about Europe, and always thought the arguments were finely balanced. Shortly before the 1975 referendum, there was a special conference of Labour’s national executive at the Sobell sports centre in Islington, in the heart of what is now Corbyn’s constituency. The vote was two-to-one for Leave: but as Wilson’s biographer Ben Pimlott wrote, “behind the speakers’ rostrum a banner had been carefully placed for the television cameras, with the message ‘Conference Advises – the People Decide’.”
“Wilson was low key. He said he was against coming out and ‘sinking into an offshore mentality’.“Wilson was low key. He said he was against coming out and ‘sinking into an offshore mentality’.
The journalist Peter Jenkins explained that Wilson had three objectives: “to keep his party in power and in one piece, and Britain in Europe”. Bernard Donoughue, who worked closely with Wilson, said that while Wilson was never warm towards things European, nevertheless “as a pragmatist he knew that a Yes vote was the most practical choice, because to stay in would be less disruptive politically, economically, industrially, than to pull out.’The journalist Peter Jenkins explained that Wilson had three objectives: “to keep his party in power and in one piece, and Britain in Europe”. Bernard Donoughue, who worked closely with Wilson, said that while Wilson was never warm towards things European, nevertheless “as a pragmatist he knew that a Yes vote was the most practical choice, because to stay in would be less disruptive politically, economically, industrially, than to pull out.’
Disruption is what we now face. The optimists among my fellow Remainers are hoping for various eventualities: a long transition; a change of mind; a “soft” Brexit in which Britain retains most, if not all, of the advantages of the customs union and the single market.Disruption is what we now face. The optimists among my fellow Remainers are hoping for various eventualities: a long transition; a change of mind; a “soft” Brexit in which Britain retains most, if not all, of the advantages of the customs union and the single market.
But it is becoming increasingly obvious that the complexities of any such compromise are formidable. In particular, it is difficult to believe that the other 27 regard a soft Brexit as feasible. The likelihood is that, unless sense prevails pretty soon, this chaotic government will take us over the cliff.But it is becoming increasingly obvious that the complexities of any such compromise are formidable. In particular, it is difficult to believe that the other 27 regard a soft Brexit as feasible. The likelihood is that, unless sense prevails pretty soon, this chaotic government will take us over the cliff.
However, it is not beyond the bounds of possibility that the government may collapse and Labour win an early election. In which case Jeremy Corbyn could do worse than to learn some lessons from Harold Wilson.However, it is not beyond the bounds of possibility that the government may collapse and Labour win an early election. In which case Jeremy Corbyn could do worse than to learn some lessons from Harold Wilson.
EconomicsEconomics
William Keegan's In My ViewWilliam Keegan's In My View
BrexitBrexit
European UnionEuropean Union
Harold WilsonHarold Wilson
Jeremy CorbynJeremy Corbyn
Margaret ThatcherMargaret Thatcher
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