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In Monument Debate, Calls for an Overdue Reckoning on Race and Southern Identity In Monument Debate, Calls for an Overdue Reckoning on Race and Southern Identity
(about 4 hours later)
EUFAULA, Ala. — The facts of Southern history, according to Brad Griffin, are beyond dispute.EUFAULA, Ala. — The facts of Southern history, according to Brad Griffin, are beyond dispute.
“It was a slave society,” he said. “They had white supremacy. It was definitely racist. This is the truth.”“It was a slave society,” he said. “They had white supremacy. It was definitely racist. This is the truth.”
It is a truth long hammered by activists who oppose the civic display of monuments honoring the Confederacy. But Mr. Griffin, 36, is no such activist. He sees the white-dominated reactionary ideology of the antebellum South not as something to condemn but as a source of inspiration. An avowed white nationalist, Mr. Griffin just last Saturday was in the streets of Charlottesville, Va., to protest the removal of a statue of Gen. Robert E. Lee.It is a truth long hammered by activists who oppose the civic display of monuments honoring the Confederacy. But Mr. Griffin, 36, is no such activist. He sees the white-dominated reactionary ideology of the antebellum South not as something to condemn but as a source of inspiration. An avowed white nationalist, Mr. Griffin just last Saturday was in the streets of Charlottesville, Va., to protest the removal of a statue of Gen. Robert E. Lee.
For more than 150 years, the exaltation and defense of Confederate memory have been maintained with remarkable persistence in everything from town square monuments and state flags to seminal expressions of American culture like the films “The Birth of a Nation” and “Gone With the Wind.” In recent decades, the most visible defense has been mounted by white Southerners who argue that the statues and flags represent “heritage, not hate,” an assertion that many blacks, liberals and historians have viewed skeptically.For more than 150 years, the exaltation and defense of Confederate memory have been maintained with remarkable persistence in everything from town square monuments and state flags to seminal expressions of American culture like the films “The Birth of a Nation” and “Gone With the Wind.” In recent decades, the most visible defense has been mounted by white Southerners who argue that the statues and flags represent “heritage, not hate,” an assertion that many blacks, liberals and historians have viewed skeptically.
But after the violent demonstrations last weekend in Charlottesville, which left a 32-year-old woman dead, the long dance of race, culture and Southern identity has reached a stunning level of national visibility. This is at a time when the most prominent champions of the Confederate legacy have been far-right groups whose aims lie explicitly in white supremacism and who express little interest in battle tactics, military uniforms or the trappings of a bygone Southern culture. But after the violent demonstrations last weekend in Charlottesville, which left a 32-year-old woman dead, the complex intersection of race, culture and Southern identity has reached a stunning level of national visibility. This is at a time when the most prominent champions of the Confederate legacy have been far-right groups whose aims lie explicitly in white supremacism and who express little interest in battle tactics, military uniforms or the trappings of a bygone Southern culture.
The result is a dizzying churn in the often shadowy worlds of far-right and Confederate culture that has sparked a major national debate over race and identity, along with calls for a true and some say long overdue national reckoning with Southern and American history.The result is a dizzying churn in the often shadowy worlds of far-right and Confederate culture that has sparked a major national debate over race and identity, along with calls for a true and some say long overdue national reckoning with Southern and American history.
President Trump further inflamed tensions when he came to the defense of the “beauty” of the Confederate monuments, now under siege. But some who maintain the “heritage, not hate” position were dismayed that the far right has eclipsed them.President Trump further inflamed tensions when he came to the defense of the “beauty” of the Confederate monuments, now under siege. But some who maintain the “heritage, not hate” position were dismayed that the far right has eclipsed them.
“They’re starving for attention, so they’re trying to create, somehow, this link to the rest of us,” said Robert Castello, who, about 140 miles north of here, runs the Dixie General Store, a roadside room filled with tables and shelves of Old South and Confederate bumper stickers, T-shirts, pocketknives and flags. “Most people who really love the South and Confederate heritage don’t approve of them or want anything to do with them,” Mr. Castello, 58, said.“They’re starving for attention, so they’re trying to create, somehow, this link to the rest of us,” said Robert Castello, who, about 140 miles north of here, runs the Dixie General Store, a roadside room filled with tables and shelves of Old South and Confederate bumper stickers, T-shirts, pocketknives and flags. “Most people who really love the South and Confederate heritage don’t approve of them or want anything to do with them,” Mr. Castello, 58, said.
Others are skeptical. Critics say there has often been a very thin line between many of those trafficking in Confederate history and purveyors of white supremacy. The Confederate battle flag, which was reborn as a powerful symbol for segregationists during the days of integration, has long been a favorite totem of the racist right and groups like the Ku Klux Klan.Others are skeptical. Critics say there has often been a very thin line between many of those trafficking in Confederate history and purveyors of white supremacy. The Confederate battle flag, which was reborn as a powerful symbol for segregationists during the days of integration, has long been a favorite totem of the racist right and groups like the Ku Klux Klan.
And, for all the genuine focus on heritage by many Southerners, the histories behind many of these memorials — the obelisks, soldiers at ease and generals on horseback staring out over town squares — suggest that they were erected to honor a South very much as Mr. Griffin described it.And, for all the genuine focus on heritage by many Southerners, the histories behind many of these memorials — the obelisks, soldiers at ease and generals on horseback staring out over town squares — suggest that they were erected to honor a South very much as Mr. Griffin described it.
Many of the monuments went up between 1890 and 1920, when white elites reconsolidated their power over Southern state governments, said W. Fitzhugh Brundage, chairman of the history department at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Having been angrily sidelined during Reconstruction, the whites newly in control were busy enshrining into law racially discriminatory and segregationist ideas.Many of the monuments went up between 1890 and 1920, when white elites reconsolidated their power over Southern state governments, said W. Fitzhugh Brundage, chairman of the history department at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Having been angrily sidelined during Reconstruction, the whites newly in control were busy enshrining into law racially discriminatory and segregationist ideas.
While many of the inscriptions on the monuments were vague or anodyne, Professor Brundage said, the dedication speeches were often brutally frank.While many of the inscriptions on the monuments were vague or anodyne, Professor Brundage said, the dedication speeches were often brutally frank.
“You can often find very clear invocations of the obligation of white Southerners to defend and promote Anglo-Saxon civilization, as they put it,” Professor Brundage said. One example: a speech delivered at his university in 1913 at the dedication of a Confederate soldier statue that has come to be known as “Silent Sam.” The speaker, a Confederate Army veteran named Julian Carr, boasted of how, just after his return from Appomattox, he “horsewhipped a Negro wench” who had “maligned a Southern lady.”“You can often find very clear invocations of the obligation of white Southerners to defend and promote Anglo-Saxon civilization, as they put it,” Professor Brundage said. One example: a speech delivered at his university in 1913 at the dedication of a Confederate soldier statue that has come to be known as “Silent Sam.” The speaker, a Confederate Army veteran named Julian Carr, boasted of how, just after his return from Appomattox, he “horsewhipped a Negro wench” who had “maligned a Southern lady.”
By 1915, D. W. Griffith’s blockbuster film “The Birth of a Nation” had reimagined Ku Klux Klansmen as heroes fighting “in defense of their Aryan birthright” rather than violent postwar vigilantes. The group, which had faded in the 1870s, roared back to life, this time as a nationwide movement, bent on defending a racist and nativist American ideal.By 1915, D. W. Griffith’s blockbuster film “The Birth of a Nation” had reimagined Ku Klux Klansmen as heroes fighting “in defense of their Aryan birthright” rather than violent postwar vigilantes. The group, which had faded in the 1870s, roared back to life, this time as a nationwide movement, bent on defending a racist and nativist American ideal.
As the civil rights era dawned, Old South symbols re-entered the mainstream of Southern politics. In 1948, a party of breakaway, pro-segregation Democrats known as the Dixiecrats adopted the Confederate battle flag. And as Southerners zealously resisted federal efforts aimed at integration, the number of public Confederate displays and tributes surged across the South. Georgia incorporated the battle flag into its state flag in 1956, and, in 1962, the battle flag began to fly over the South Carolina State House.As the civil rights era dawned, Old South symbols re-entered the mainstream of Southern politics. In 1948, a party of breakaway, pro-segregation Democrats known as the Dixiecrats adopted the Confederate battle flag. And as Southerners zealously resisted federal efforts aimed at integration, the number of public Confederate displays and tributes surged across the South. Georgia incorporated the battle flag into its state flag in 1956, and, in 1962, the battle flag began to fly over the South Carolina State House.
Even in recent years, the flag and Confederate history have been a recurring fault line in national politics. Trent Lott, from Mississippi, resigned as Senate majority leader in 2002 after praising the segregationist 1948 presidential campaign of Strom Thurmond. Positions on the Confederate flag have been a knotty issue for Republicans in South Carolina, most notably during the 2000 presidential primary battle between George W. Bush and Senator John McCain.Even in recent years, the flag and Confederate history have been a recurring fault line in national politics. Trent Lott, from Mississippi, resigned as Senate majority leader in 2002 after praising the segregationist 1948 presidential campaign of Strom Thurmond. Positions on the Confederate flag have been a knotty issue for Republicans in South Carolina, most notably during the 2000 presidential primary battle between George W. Bush and Senator John McCain.
At the same time, battles over the civic display of Confederate flags and monuments have become part of the fabric of Southern politics. The battle flag was moved from the South Carolina capitol dome to a spot in front of the building in 2000, and was removed from the Georgia state flag in 2003. “They truly do believe in this ‘heritage, not hate’ stuff,” Mr. Griffin said in an interview not far from his home here in southeast Alabama. “It’s like a mind virus.”At the same time, battles over the civic display of Confederate flags and monuments have become part of the fabric of Southern politics. The battle flag was moved from the South Carolina capitol dome to a spot in front of the building in 2000, and was removed from the Georgia state flag in 2003. “They truly do believe in this ‘heritage, not hate’ stuff,” Mr. Griffin said in an interview not far from his home here in southeast Alabama. “It’s like a mind virus.”
But as the new century wore on, the energy around Confederate memorializing waned, and the membership of Southern heritage groups seemed to be aging. They would gather at the Civil War’s 150th anniversary commemorations, discussing the perfidies of the Union and the theories of what truly motivated the South’s secession — taxes and tariffs were common culprits. “It was in hard-core decline,” said Heidi Beirich of the Southern Poverty Law Center, which monitors neo-Confederate activities. “Even on the fringes of the radical right, the Southern nationalist cause was waning.”But as the new century wore on, the energy around Confederate memorializing waned, and the membership of Southern heritage groups seemed to be aging. They would gather at the Civil War’s 150th anniversary commemorations, discussing the perfidies of the Union and the theories of what truly motivated the South’s secession — taxes and tariffs were common culprits. “It was in hard-core decline,” said Heidi Beirich of the Southern Poverty Law Center, which monitors neo-Confederate activities. “Even on the fringes of the radical right, the Southern nationalist cause was waning.”
Then in 2015, a Confederate-sympathizing white supremacist, Dylann S. Roof, murdered nine black churchgoers in Charleston, S.C. In a dramatic reaction, South Carolina removed the Confederate battle flag from the State House grounds altogether, weeks after Alabama’s governor ordered four flags removed outside the State Capitol in Montgomery. Calls went up for the removal of other relics of Confederate memory, including the battle flag’s place in the corner of the Mississippi state flag, and major retailers, including Walmart, stopped selling merchandise that included the battle flag.Then in 2015, a Confederate-sympathizing white supremacist, Dylann S. Roof, murdered nine black churchgoers in Charleston, S.C. In a dramatic reaction, South Carolina removed the Confederate battle flag from the State House grounds altogether, weeks after Alabama’s governor ordered four flags removed outside the State Capitol in Montgomery. Calls went up for the removal of other relics of Confederate memory, including the battle flag’s place in the corner of the Mississippi state flag, and major retailers, including Walmart, stopped selling merchandise that included the battle flag.
The backlash was swift. Membership in the Sons of Confederate Veterans spiked, and large pro-flag demonstrations crowded the grounds of Southern state capitols. The rallying cry was still mostly focused on heritage, but a new and more incendiary faction had begun to emerge.The backlash was swift. Membership in the Sons of Confederate Veterans spiked, and large pro-flag demonstrations crowded the grounds of Southern state capitols. The rallying cry was still mostly focused on heritage, but a new and more incendiary faction had begun to emerge.
Starting in the early 2010s, a growing number of young, openly white nationalist Southerners began joining Southern nationalist organizations, primarily the Alabama-based League of the South. Mr. Griffin, an Auburn University graduate who had become radicalized by books and in online forums that had little to do with the Confederacy, was among them.Starting in the early 2010s, a growing number of young, openly white nationalist Southerners began joining Southern nationalist organizations, primarily the Alabama-based League of the South. Mr. Griffin, an Auburn University graduate who had become radicalized by books and in online forums that had little to do with the Confederacy, was among them.
These men dismissed those making a racially friendly case for the Confederacy — “rainbow confederates,” as Mr. Griffin disparagingly calls them — in favor of an unapologetic embrace of the South’s white supremacist past. “Let’s be frank,” said Matthew Heimbach, a former member of the League of the South who went on to co-found the white nationalist Traditionalist Worker Party. “The Confederacy was struggling and fighting for the purpose of maintaining white dominance in the South. We were threatened by abolition, and we wanted to maintain our own homeland.”These men dismissed those making a racially friendly case for the Confederacy — “rainbow confederates,” as Mr. Griffin disparagingly calls them — in favor of an unapologetic embrace of the South’s white supremacist past. “Let’s be frank,” said Matthew Heimbach, a former member of the League of the South who went on to co-found the white nationalist Traditionalist Worker Party. “The Confederacy was struggling and fighting for the purpose of maintaining white dominance in the South. We were threatened by abolition, and we wanted to maintain our own homeland.”
They began to organize as a new front of Southern nationalism under the umbrella of the “alt-South.” The term was coined by Mr. Griffin, who earns his living from donations through his website and married a daughter of the founder of the white supremacist Council of Conservative Citizens. His ties to white identity groups were strengthened in the rallies leading up to and after the election of Mr. Trump. In gatherings this spring in Pikeville, Ky., and New Orleans, League of the South members faced off against left-wing protesters alongside neo-Nazis and other far-right activists. One outgrowth was the “Unite the Right” rally in Charlottesville.They began to organize as a new front of Southern nationalism under the umbrella of the “alt-South.” The term was coined by Mr. Griffin, who earns his living from donations through his website and married a daughter of the founder of the white supremacist Council of Conservative Citizens. His ties to white identity groups were strengthened in the rallies leading up to and after the election of Mr. Trump. In gatherings this spring in Pikeville, Ky., and New Orleans, League of the South members faced off against left-wing protesters alongside neo-Nazis and other far-right activists. One outgrowth was the “Unite the Right” rally in Charlottesville.
“We see the takedown of these statues as more than just Confederate heritage, because the real war is not just against our heroes and our statues but against us,” said David Duke, the former Louisiana politician and Ku Klux Klan grand wizard, who gave the keynote address at a League of the South conference in June. “There is a war being waged against white people.”“We see the takedown of these statues as more than just Confederate heritage, because the real war is not just against our heroes and our statues but against us,” said David Duke, the former Louisiana politician and Ku Klux Klan grand wizard, who gave the keynote address at a League of the South conference in June. “There is a war being waged against white people.”
U. W. Clemon, a Birmingham lawyer who was the first black federal judge in Alabama, said the Charlottesville protesters were “acting out of desperation” after recognizing that their sway in the so-called New South was eroding. “They see blacks and women and Jews in pretty powerful positions — and not just up North, but here down South — and I think that they see their power and influence dwindling,” he said.U. W. Clemon, a Birmingham lawyer who was the first black federal judge in Alabama, said the Charlottesville protesters were “acting out of desperation” after recognizing that their sway in the so-called New South was eroding. “They see blacks and women and Jews in pretty powerful positions — and not just up North, but here down South — and I think that they see their power and influence dwindling,” he said.
In a statement on Monday, the Sons of Confederate Veterans repudiated “in the strongest terms attempts by any group that advocates hatred, bigotry or violence towards others to use our symbols, or otherwise undertake to tarnish the good and glorious name of the Confederate soldier.”In a statement on Monday, the Sons of Confederate Veterans repudiated “in the strongest terms attempts by any group that advocates hatred, bigotry or violence towards others to use our symbols, or otherwise undertake to tarnish the good and glorious name of the Confederate soldier.”
This is a prevailing view among those white Southerners who view the neo-Nazis with disgust and worry that their open championing of Confederate public history may finally lead to what many Southern whites fear most: the eradication of Confederate monuments.This is a prevailing view among those white Southerners who view the neo-Nazis with disgust and worry that their open championing of Confederate public history may finally lead to what many Southern whites fear most: the eradication of Confederate monuments.