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The Guardian view of Labour and soft Brexit: so far, so good The Guardian view of Labour and soft Brexit: so far, so good
(5 days later)
During the election, Labour went awol on Britain and the EU. By coming out with an agreed soft Brexit position, the party changes the national debateDuring the election, Labour went awol on Britain and the EU. By coming out with an agreed soft Brexit position, the party changes the national debate
Sun 27 Aug 2017 21.12 BSTSun 27 Aug 2017 21.12 BST
Last modified on Mon 27 Nov 2017 17.55 GMT Last modified on Wed 14 Feb 2018 15.34 GMT
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Europe will be first on the agenda in every sense when parliament returns next week. Over the summer it has become shockingly clear that a Conservative government with a weakened leader and a delusional policy on Brexit is inadequate to the seriousness of the task. As a result it is hastening Britain towards an exit from Europe that could devastate the economy and jobs in every region of the UK while betraying Britain’s values and future. Shortly after MPs return they will begin debating the government’s EU withdrawal bill, with a key vote on 11 September. By mid-October, while ministers obsess about the Tory conference rather than the national interest, agreement is due on the main terms of UK withdrawal. The need for parliament to take clear and wise decisions on the supremely important issue of Britain’s relations with Europe could therefore not be more pressing.Europe will be first on the agenda in every sense when parliament returns next week. Over the summer it has become shockingly clear that a Conservative government with a weakened leader and a delusional policy on Brexit is inadequate to the seriousness of the task. As a result it is hastening Britain towards an exit from Europe that could devastate the economy and jobs in every region of the UK while betraying Britain’s values and future. Shortly after MPs return they will begin debating the government’s EU withdrawal bill, with a key vote on 11 September. By mid-October, while ministers obsess about the Tory conference rather than the national interest, agreement is due on the main terms of UK withdrawal. The need for parliament to take clear and wise decisions on the supremely important issue of Britain’s relations with Europe could therefore not be more pressing.
The immense seriousness of this moment explains why Labour’s newly agreed Brexit policy is both very important and very welcome. Until now, Labour has ducked and dithered on Brexit almost as much as the Conservatives. Divisions about Europe itself and about Labour voters’ views have led many in the party to hide from difficult choices. In fact, a clear majority of Labour voters oppose a hard Brexit, as do most trade unions, most Labour MPs and the overwhelming majority of the young voters who embraced Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership. Yet Labour’s equivocations over triggering article 50 and about staying in the single market, which culminated in an ambivalent election manifesto stance, have let the people of this country down. On the biggest issue of the day, an inadequate government has faced an inadequate main opposition party too.The immense seriousness of this moment explains why Labour’s newly agreed Brexit policy is both very important and very welcome. Until now, Labour has ducked and dithered on Brexit almost as much as the Conservatives. Divisions about Europe itself and about Labour voters’ views have led many in the party to hide from difficult choices. In fact, a clear majority of Labour voters oppose a hard Brexit, as do most trade unions, most Labour MPs and the overwhelming majority of the young voters who embraced Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership. Yet Labour’s equivocations over triggering article 50 and about staying in the single market, which culminated in an ambivalent election manifesto stance, have let the people of this country down. On the biggest issue of the day, an inadequate government has faced an inadequate main opposition party too.
That may now change. The new policy, launched by the shadow Brexit secretary, Keir Starmer, in the Observer today, is agreed, coherent and right. In place of the earlier contradictions, Labour now says that, as Britain leaves the EU, it must remain inside the single market and the customs union for a transitional period of – as yet – uncertain length. The ambiguous key phrase in Sir Keir’s article is that the transitional period will be “as short as possible but as long as necessary”. During that time, existing single market and customs union terms would continue to apply, though Britain would have left the EU in line with the Brexit vote of 2016.That may now change. The new policy, launched by the shadow Brexit secretary, Keir Starmer, in the Observer today, is agreed, coherent and right. In place of the earlier contradictions, Labour now says that, as Britain leaves the EU, it must remain inside the single market and the customs union for a transitional period of – as yet – uncertain length. The ambiguous key phrase in Sir Keir’s article is that the transitional period will be “as short as possible but as long as necessary”. During that time, existing single market and customs union terms would continue to apply, though Britain would have left the EU in line with the Brexit vote of 2016.
Labour is therefore now a party of soft Brexit. There is much to welcome in that shift. It provides clarity where there was confusion. It unequivocally respects the referendum result, but does not heap pain and cost on British workers who did not vote to become poorer. It keeps open the soft border in Ireland, a vital interest for both the UK and the Irish Republic. It enables a future Labour government to assess its full range of Brexit options without important avenues – like an eventual Norway-style deal to remain in the single market and customs union – being closed off. It thus opens the possibility that Britain could remain in the single market and the customs union long-term. And, while there is nothing in Sir Keir’s article that even hints at this, it keeps in play the possibility of a national mood change on Brexit itself.Labour is therefore now a party of soft Brexit. There is much to welcome in that shift. It provides clarity where there was confusion. It unequivocally respects the referendum result, but does not heap pain and cost on British workers who did not vote to become poorer. It keeps open the soft border in Ireland, a vital interest for both the UK and the Irish Republic. It enables a future Labour government to assess its full range of Brexit options without important avenues – like an eventual Norway-style deal to remain in the single market and customs union – being closed off. It thus opens the possibility that Britain could remain in the single market and the customs union long-term. And, while there is nothing in Sir Keir’s article that even hints at this, it keeps in play the possibility of a national mood change on Brexit itself.
There are immediate political benefits. This is a unified Labour policy. Mr Corbyn has signed off on it, as has the shadow chancellor, John McDonnell. It puts prosperity and living standards at the centre of the party’s position. It gives Labour’s many pro-Europeans, who were dismayed and hamstrung by the previous ambiguities, something to support openly and creatively. All this suggests a Labour party which, at least on this supremely important issue, is willing to come together rather than conspire and snipe at itself. The country needs such a Labour party.There are immediate political benefits. This is a unified Labour policy. Mr Corbyn has signed off on it, as has the shadow chancellor, John McDonnell. It puts prosperity and living standards at the centre of the party’s position. It gives Labour’s many pro-Europeans, who were dismayed and hamstrung by the previous ambiguities, something to support openly and creatively. All this suggests a Labour party which, at least on this supremely important issue, is willing to come together rather than conspire and snipe at itself. The country needs such a Labour party.
Labour’s move makes the party more electable. It also puts the party in a place where, providing it is skilful, it can work with pro-European parties like the Liberal Democrats, the nationalists and the Greens. In addition – and crucially, in view of the parliamentary arithmetic – it opens up the space for Labour MPs to work with the many Tories who wish for a softer Brexit than Theresa May is offering. Those conversations – which should immediately focus on amendments to the withdrawal bill – will probably have to take place at backbencher level rather than between the frontbenches. But they can take place – and they must. This is not the anti-Brexit stance that many ideally want from Labour. But it is a coherent step towards defending the economy and jobs from a hard Brexit. It is a moment of hope, and further steps are not ruled out. So far, so good.Labour’s move makes the party more electable. It also puts the party in a place where, providing it is skilful, it can work with pro-European parties like the Liberal Democrats, the nationalists and the Greens. In addition – and crucially, in view of the parliamentary arithmetic – it opens up the space for Labour MPs to work with the many Tories who wish for a softer Brexit than Theresa May is offering. Those conversations – which should immediately focus on amendments to the withdrawal bill – will probably have to take place at backbencher level rather than between the frontbenches. But they can take place – and they must. This is not the anti-Brexit stance that many ideally want from Labour. But it is a coherent step towards defending the economy and jobs from a hard Brexit. It is a moment of hope, and further steps are not ruled out. So far, so good.
LabourLabour
OpinionOpinion
BrexitBrexit
Keir StarmerKeir Starmer
Foreign policyForeign policy
European UnionEuropean Union
editorialseditorials
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