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Hamas Offer Reflects Pressure From Egypt and Fatah Hamas Offer Reflects Pressure From Egypt and Fatah
(35 minutes later)
RAMALLAH, West Bank — The announcement from Hamas over the weekend arrived like a bouquet of roses for Mahmoud Abbas, president of the Palestinian Authority.RAMALLAH, West Bank — The announcement from Hamas over the weekend arrived like a bouquet of roses for Mahmoud Abbas, president of the Palestinian Authority.
After months of pressure from Mr. Abbas and more than a week of talks in Cairo, Hamas, the militant Islamist group that has controlled the Gaza Strip for a decade, abruptly offered to hand him its keys to the territory.After months of pressure from Mr. Abbas and more than a week of talks in Cairo, Hamas, the militant Islamist group that has controlled the Gaza Strip for a decade, abruptly offered to hand him its keys to the territory.
It agreed to Mr. Abbas’s demands that Hamas disband a so-called shadow government it set up earlier this year.It agreed to Mr. Abbas’s demands that Hamas disband a so-called shadow government it set up earlier this year.
It invited the Palestinian Authority, dominated by Mr. Abbas’s secular Fatah movement, to send its ministers into Gaza and “carry out its duties immediately.”It invited the Palestinian Authority, dominated by Mr. Abbas’s secular Fatah movement, to send its ministers into Gaza and “carry out its duties immediately.”
It accepted a longstanding Fatah call for elections in Gaza and the West Bank, and it offered to resume unification talks between the two bitterly opposed Palestinian factions.It accepted a longstanding Fatah call for elections in Gaza and the West Bank, and it offered to resume unification talks between the two bitterly opposed Palestinian factions.
Mr. Abbas’s quick and positive reply on Monday — he spoke by telephone with Ismail Haniyeh, the Hamas political director, and promised to follow up after returning from the United Nations gathering in New York — prompted some to ask whether renewed Egyptian diplomatic assertiveness and pragmatic new Hamas leadership had managed to turn a page on the long-running rivalry.Mr. Abbas’s quick and positive reply on Monday — he spoke by telephone with Ismail Haniyeh, the Hamas political director, and promised to follow up after returning from the United Nations gathering in New York — prompted some to ask whether renewed Egyptian diplomatic assertiveness and pragmatic new Hamas leadership had managed to turn a page on the long-running rivalry.
Mahdi Abdul Hadi, director of Passia, a think tank in East Jerusalem, said that Mr. Haniyeh and Yehya Sinwar, Gaza’s new prime minister, appeared eager to break the impasse with Fatah and Mr. Abbas as a way to open a release valve for the coastal territory.Mahdi Abdul Hadi, director of Passia, a think tank in East Jerusalem, said that Mr. Haniyeh and Yehya Sinwar, Gaza’s new prime minister, appeared eager to break the impasse with Fatah and Mr. Abbas as a way to open a release valve for the coastal territory.
“Lift the siege, let people breathe,” Mr. Abdul Hadi said. “Electricity, water, salaries, medical — instead of explosion.”“Lift the siege, let people breathe,” Mr. Abdul Hadi said. “Electricity, water, salaries, medical — instead of explosion.”
But far from catapulting the Palestinians toward a hopeful new future, the most immediate result of the Hamas gambit may amount to little more than turning back the clock — and only to the beginning of the year.But far from catapulting the Palestinians toward a hopeful new future, the most immediate result of the Hamas gambit may amount to little more than turning back the clock — and only to the beginning of the year.
Actual reconciliation that could give new impetus to the peace process would require a motivated Palestinian Authority, a seismic shift by Hamas, and the forbearance of both Israel and the United States — none of which is clearly yet in evidence, and some of which seems as likely as an early Gaza frost.Actual reconciliation that could give new impetus to the peace process would require a motivated Palestinian Authority, a seismic shift by Hamas, and the forbearance of both Israel and the United States — none of which is clearly yet in evidence, and some of which seems as likely as an early Gaza frost.
Analysts of Palestinian politics express optimism at their peril. Fatah and Hamas have been trying for reconciliation off and on since 2007, with multiple summit meetings, including one in 2014 that quickly fell apart, and was followed by a new war between Hamas and Israel.Analysts of Palestinian politics express optimism at their peril. Fatah and Hamas have been trying for reconciliation off and on since 2007, with multiple summit meetings, including one in 2014 that quickly fell apart, and was followed by a new war between Hamas and Israel.
Deep mistrust and deepening impatience with Mr. Abbas led Hamas to signal provocatively in March that it would make its Gaza “administrative committee” a permanent governing entity.Deep mistrust and deepening impatience with Mr. Abbas led Hamas to signal provocatively in March that it would make its Gaza “administrative committee” a permanent governing entity.
Mr. Abbas, duly provoked, responded with an iron fist: He refused to pay Gaza’s electricity bills, so Israel cut power to four hours a day in what became an infernal summer. He stopped paying salaries for government workers and former prisoners in Gaza. He cut down on medical border crossings for Gazans, and sent thousands of workers into early retirement.Mr. Abbas, duly provoked, responded with an iron fist: He refused to pay Gaza’s electricity bills, so Israel cut power to four hours a day in what became an infernal summer. He stopped paying salaries for government workers and former prisoners in Gaza. He cut down on medical border crossings for Gazans, and sent thousands of workers into early retirement.
With untreated sewage washing up on Gaza’s shores, international aid workers warning of a humanitarian crisis and Israeli officials worrying aloud about an epidemic or another explosion of violence in the offing, Egypt gathered Hamas leaders, including Mr. Haniyeh, in Cairo once more on Sept. 9.With untreated sewage washing up on Gaza’s shores, international aid workers warning of a humanitarian crisis and Israeli officials worrying aloud about an epidemic or another explosion of violence in the offing, Egypt gathered Hamas leaders, including Mr. Haniyeh, in Cairo once more on Sept. 9.
At a minimum, analysts said, the statement Mr. Haniyeh issued on Sunday would seem to return the state of play between Fatah and Hamas to where it was early this year, before Hamas moved to make its shadow government permanent.At a minimum, analysts said, the statement Mr. Haniyeh issued on Sunday would seem to return the state of play between Fatah and Hamas to where it was early this year, before Hamas moved to make its shadow government permanent.
Nabil Shaath, a senior adviser to Mr. Abbas, said in Ramallah on Monday that the Palestinian Authority would in turn rescind its harsh strictures on Gaza: “From my point of view, immediately.”Nabil Shaath, a senior adviser to Mr. Abbas, said in Ramallah on Monday that the Palestinian Authority would in turn rescind its harsh strictures on Gaza: “From my point of view, immediately.”
Mr. Shaath told reporters that Sunday’s statement by Hamas “justified what the president has done,” adding of Mr. Abbas: “He was in pain, because he was putting his people under pressure. But he felt he had to.”Mr. Shaath told reporters that Sunday’s statement by Hamas “justified what the president has done,” adding of Mr. Abbas: “He was in pain, because he was putting his people under pressure. But he felt he had to.”
For Hamas, turning over the keys to government in Gaza isn’t even a new step: It tried to do as much in 2014, when the Palestine Liberation Organization and Hamas signed a pact paving the way for a new government to be led by Prime Minister Rami Hamdallah.For Hamas, turning over the keys to government in Gaza isn’t even a new step: It tried to do as much in 2014, when the Palestine Liberation Organization and Hamas signed a pact paving the way for a new government to be led by Prime Minister Rami Hamdallah.
Nathan Thrall, a Middle East analyst with International Crisis Group and the author of the book “The Only Language They Understand: Forcing Compromise in Israel and Palestine,” asked whether Hamas’s move to make its Gaza administration permanent wasn’t merely a clever feint that worked like a charm.Nathan Thrall, a Middle East analyst with International Crisis Group and the author of the book “The Only Language They Understand: Forcing Compromise in Israel and Palestine,” asked whether Hamas’s move to make its Gaza administration permanent wasn’t merely a clever feint that worked like a charm.
“Now, it’s a grand concession to dismantle it,” Mr. Thrall said.“Now, it’s a grand concession to dismantle it,” Mr. Thrall said.
Though polls show that Palestinians crave a reconciliation by Fatah and Hamas, it remains unclear how much more will come of the Hamas offer. In the long term, Israel and the United States both loom large, determined to prevent Hamas — which has neither renounced terrorism nor recognized Israel’s right to exist — from gaining power in the West Bank or the Palestinian Authority as a whole.Though polls show that Palestinians crave a reconciliation by Fatah and Hamas, it remains unclear how much more will come of the Hamas offer. In the long term, Israel and the United States both loom large, determined to prevent Hamas — which has neither renounced terrorism nor recognized Israel’s right to exist — from gaining power in the West Bank or the Palestinian Authority as a whole.
Hamas said nothing about disarming, meaning it will retain the military upper hand in Gaza, even if Mr. Abbas sends in security forces. Similarly, the 83-year-old Mr. Abbas is seen as being unlikely to call for elections soon — lest they result in a Hamas victory, as happened in 2006.Hamas said nothing about disarming, meaning it will retain the military upper hand in Gaza, even if Mr. Abbas sends in security forces. Similarly, the 83-year-old Mr. Abbas is seen as being unlikely to call for elections soon — lest they result in a Hamas victory, as happened in 2006.
Indeed, Mr. Shaath warned on Monday that elections and a resumption of Fatah-Hamas talks — especially about security — would “require time.”Indeed, Mr. Shaath warned on Monday that elections and a resumption of Fatah-Hamas talks — especially about security — would “require time.”
To be fair, taking control in Gaza — and assuming responsibility for the delivery of government services, while Hamas stands to the side — may be as thankless a task for Mr. Abbas and Fatah as it was for Hamas.To be fair, taking control in Gaza — and assuming responsibility for the delivery of government services, while Hamas stands to the side — may be as thankless a task for Mr. Abbas and Fatah as it was for Hamas.
“From an outside perspective, they have almost no control in Gaza today, so it’s better than nothing,” Mr. Thrall said. “But they look at it as, ‘Why should I take on the burden and blame?’ ”“From an outside perspective, they have almost no control in Gaza today, so it’s better than nothing,” Mr. Thrall said. “But they look at it as, ‘Why should I take on the burden and blame?’ ”
The Hamas statement that emerged on Sunday was replete with genuflections to Egypt, and particularly to its General Intelligence Service for its “generous efforts” and “leadership” as “an expression of Egyptian concern” for Palestinian unity.The Hamas statement that emerged on Sunday was replete with genuflections to Egypt, and particularly to its General Intelligence Service for its “generous efforts” and “leadership” as “an expression of Egyptian concern” for Palestinian unity.
And no wonder: Hamas depends heavily on Egypt and sorely needs better relations with the government of President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, who clamped down on Egypt’s border with Gaza after coming to power in a military takeover in 2013, closing many Hamas-dug tunnels.And no wonder: Hamas depends heavily on Egypt and sorely needs better relations with the government of President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, who clamped down on Egypt’s border with Gaza after coming to power in a military takeover in 2013, closing many Hamas-dug tunnels.
Already this year, Hamas had made several overtures to Egypt: In a key Hamas document published in May, it omitted mention of the Muslim Brotherhood, with which it had long aligned itself — and which Mr. Sisi abhors. And it acceded to Egypt’s request to set up a buffer zone on the Gaza border to help constrain the movements of Salafi jihadis in and out of Sinai.Already this year, Hamas had made several overtures to Egypt: In a key Hamas document published in May, it omitted mention of the Muslim Brotherhood, with which it had long aligned itself — and which Mr. Sisi abhors. And it acceded to Egypt’s request to set up a buffer zone on the Gaza border to help constrain the movements of Salafi jihadis in and out of Sinai.
Like Israel, Egypt had reason to fear another Gaza conflagration, analysts say, because it Cairo is seen as being complicit with Israel in containing Gaza and could be blamed by many Arabs if the territory erupted in violence again. By contrast, its efforts with Hamas could help it reassert itself as a champion of the Palestinian cause. Like Israel, Egypt had reason to fear another Gaza conflagration, analysts say, because Cairo is seen as being complicit with Israel in containing Gaza and could be blamed by many Arabs if the territory erupted in violence again. By contrast, its efforts with Hamas could help it reassert itself as a champion of the Palestinian cause.
The Egyptian rapprochement with Hamas started in earnest in 2015, as part of an effort to stabilize Sinai, where Islamic State militants were gathering strength, said Ahmed Kamel el-Beheiri, a researcher at the state-owned Al Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies in Cairo.The Egyptian rapprochement with Hamas started in earnest in 2015, as part of an effort to stabilize Sinai, where Islamic State militants were gathering strength, said Ahmed Kamel el-Beheiri, a researcher at the state-owned Al Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies in Cairo.
A wider crisis in the Gulf summer also played into Egyptian calculations. Egypt joined a four-nation air, sea and diplomatic boycott of Qatar, which has funded Hamas in the past and provided a base for its former leader, Khaled Meshal.A wider crisis in the Gulf summer also played into Egyptian calculations. Egypt joined a four-nation air, sea and diplomatic boycott of Qatar, which has funded Hamas in the past and provided a base for its former leader, Khaled Meshal.
With Qatar under pressure, Hamas began to fear that its benefactor was becoming isolated. Egypt and the United Arab Emirates, which is also boycotting Qatar, saw an opportunity to increase the pressure on Hamas.With Qatar under pressure, Hamas began to fear that its benefactor was becoming isolated. Egypt and the United Arab Emirates, which is also boycotting Qatar, saw an opportunity to increase the pressure on Hamas.
As Egypt opened the border with Gaza more frequently this summer, Hamas provided information to Egypt about Islamist militants who were fighting alongside the Islamic State in Sinai, Mr. Beheiri said. Hamas has also suffered reprisals for its improved ties with Egypt, with at least four militant attacks that have killed four of its members, he said.As Egypt opened the border with Gaza more frequently this summer, Hamas provided information to Egypt about Islamist militants who were fighting alongside the Islamic State in Sinai, Mr. Beheiri said. Hamas has also suffered reprisals for its improved ties with Egypt, with at least four militant attacks that have killed four of its members, he said.