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You can find the current article at its original source at https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2017/oct/23/dialogue-stability-catalonia-eu-madrid-basque-autonomy-catalan-crisis
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| Only political dialogue can bring stability to Catalonia – and the EU must help | Only political dialogue can bring stability to Catalonia – and the EU must help |
| (3 months later) | |
| Mon 23 Oct 2017 17.43 BST | |
| Last modified on Mon 27 Nov 2017 15.01 GMT | |
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| I write this as the democratically elected president of the autonomous Basque region of Spain, as someone who is both strongly pro-Europe and who believes firmly in self-determination, whichever institutional form that takes. | I write this as the democratically elected president of the autonomous Basque region of Spain, as someone who is both strongly pro-Europe and who believes firmly in self-determination, whichever institutional form that takes. |
| The political crisis in Catalonia and how it is resolved will have an impact on the European Union, not just Spain. It highlights the problem of forced integration of a people who have historically expressed a desire for self-governance and voluntary association. This is a political conflict that requires a political solution based on dialogue and negotiation. Such a solution would reconcile reality and realism, legality and legitimacy, and the willingness of regions with different national realities to agree on the terms of their voluntary union. | The political crisis in Catalonia and how it is resolved will have an impact on the European Union, not just Spain. It highlights the problem of forced integration of a people who have historically expressed a desire for self-governance and voluntary association. This is a political conflict that requires a political solution based on dialogue and negotiation. Such a solution would reconcile reality and realism, legality and legitimacy, and the willingness of regions with different national realities to agree on the terms of their voluntary union. |
| The crisis is a political one, a consequence of the lack of a political willingness for dialogue, even though honest dialogue is the only peaceful solution. The Spanish government should, now more than ever, after threatening to intervene in legitimate Catalan institutions, open a realistic avenue for dialogue, given that the basic concept of sovereignty is at stake. | The crisis is a political one, a consequence of the lack of a political willingness for dialogue, even though honest dialogue is the only peaceful solution. The Spanish government should, now more than ever, after threatening to intervene in legitimate Catalan institutions, open a realistic avenue for dialogue, given that the basic concept of sovereignty is at stake. |
| I completely reject the extreme measures taken with regard to Catalan civil society and institutions in the past month | I completely reject the extreme measures taken with regard to Catalan civil society and institutions in the past month |
| I want to propose two principles for that dialogue. The first is the responsibility to avoid any internal political or social clashes between territories. The second principle is that of reality; in other words, recognising that there is popular support for different expressions of the national project in Catalonia, the Basque country and in the rest of the Spanish state. | I want to propose two principles for that dialogue. The first is the responsibility to avoid any internal political or social clashes between territories. The second principle is that of reality; in other words, recognising that there is popular support for different expressions of the national project in Catalonia, the Basque country and in the rest of the Spanish state. |
| On my first day in office, I informed the Spanish prime minister of the need for a shared and far-reaching reflection on the relationship that the Basques and the Spanish agreed at the end of the Franco-era dictatorship in 1978. This model ratified the “imposed unity” contained in the 1812 Cadiz constitution and upheld to the present time. It quashed the “voluntary union” model and the historical rights of the Basque people, which did not enjoy protection and respect until the 1978 constitution. | On my first day in office, I informed the Spanish prime minister of the need for a shared and far-reaching reflection on the relationship that the Basques and the Spanish agreed at the end of the Franco-era dictatorship in 1978. This model ratified the “imposed unity” contained in the 1812 Cadiz constitution and upheld to the present time. It quashed the “voluntary union” model and the historical rights of the Basque people, which did not enjoy protection and respect until the 1978 constitution. |
| But this reflection has still not begun. I cannot understand or share Madrid’s approach to the decade-long crisis regarding the Basque country, which has now extended to Catalonia. Even less so when, in the Catalan case, the government refuses to address politically a conflict that is political by its very nature, and seeks purely legal answers. I completely reject the extreme measures taken with regard to Catalan civil society and institutions in the past month. These actions will make solving the present impasse even harder. | But this reflection has still not begun. I cannot understand or share Madrid’s approach to the decade-long crisis regarding the Basque country, which has now extended to Catalonia. Even less so when, in the Catalan case, the government refuses to address politically a conflict that is political by its very nature, and seeks purely legal answers. I completely reject the extreme measures taken with regard to Catalan civil society and institutions in the past month. These actions will make solving the present impasse even harder. |
| We have recent and close models that offer us acceptable solutions combining the principles of legality and democracy. The relationship between Quebec and Canada, and the Scottish referendum, are precedents for solving such disputes in a democratic, constructive and civilised way. In both cases, consultations enabled citizens to express their wishes and to see that their opinion had been considered. | We have recent and close models that offer us acceptable solutions combining the principles of legality and democracy. The relationship between Quebec and Canada, and the Scottish referendum, are precedents for solving such disputes in a democratic, constructive and civilised way. In both cases, consultations enabled citizens to express their wishes and to see that their opinion had been considered. |
| In the Basque country, after decades of violence and terrorism, we are promoting a model of self-government that combines nation-building and social construction with the participation of all Basque political traditions. | In the Basque country, after decades of violence and terrorism, we are promoting a model of self-government that combines nation-building and social construction with the participation of all Basque political traditions. |
| The premise is coexistence between different identities, based on mutual recognition and respect. This ideal could root a plurinational Spanish state closer to its reality. It would mean the cultural, social and political-legal recognition of the Basque and Catalan nations, along with the Spanish. It proposes an agreed and constructive view of distributing sovereignty. The goal of coexistence between different identities can be achieved by assuming the European concept of co-sovereignty, or shared sovereignty. I therefore advocate setting up legal channels to allow political communities who wish to consult their citizens on their future to be able to do so. | The premise is coexistence between different identities, based on mutual recognition and respect. This ideal could root a plurinational Spanish state closer to its reality. It would mean the cultural, social and political-legal recognition of the Basque and Catalan nations, along with the Spanish. It proposes an agreed and constructive view of distributing sovereignty. The goal of coexistence between different identities can be achieved by assuming the European concept of co-sovereignty, or shared sovereignty. I therefore advocate setting up legal channels to allow political communities who wish to consult their citizens on their future to be able to do so. |
| The Catalan crisis is an international legal issue, the outcome of which has a bearing on the future of Europe. This is a future that has been our concern since 1916, when a Basque delegation took part in the Conference of Lausanne. What happens next can and must be resolved between the directly involved parties (as happened in Scotland’s case). But in the absence of this dialogue, there should be an appeal to the EU, which should provide the means for it. As a matter of principle, sure, but also because Europe is not sustainable with such an open conflict. The situation directly affects the future of the European project, and the identification and coexistence of citizens within the union that the project represents. | The Catalan crisis is an international legal issue, the outcome of which has a bearing on the future of Europe. This is a future that has been our concern since 1916, when a Basque delegation took part in the Conference of Lausanne. What happens next can and must be resolved between the directly involved parties (as happened in Scotland’s case). But in the absence of this dialogue, there should be an appeal to the EU, which should provide the means for it. As a matter of principle, sure, but also because Europe is not sustainable with such an open conflict. The situation directly affects the future of the European project, and the identification and coexistence of citizens within the union that the project represents. |
| • Iñigo Urkullu is president of the Basque government | • Iñigo Urkullu is president of the Basque government |
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