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Florida Republicans Face Mounting Pressure to Act on Gun Control Florida Republicans Face Mounting Pressure to Act on Gun Control
(about 7 hours later)
The campaign ads are already blaring, attacking Florida Republicans for supporting pro-gun laws. Now students — survivors of the mass shooting at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School — have traveled by busloads hundreds of miles to protest at the State Capitol. TALLAHASSEE — Seven days after the killing of 17 students and school staff members in Florida, Republican state leaders are facing pressure unlike any they have experienced before to pass legislation addressing gun violence.
Seven days after the killing of 17 people at the Broward County school, Republicans, who dominate government in the state, are facing pressure unlike any they have experienced before to pass legislation addressing gun violence. The State Legislature is in session for roughly two more weeks, and Republicans have concluded that it would be catastrophic to wrap up without doing something to address the mounting outcry. On Wednesday, swarms of student protesters carrying signs and boxes of petitions stormed the Florida Capitol, pleading with lawmakers to pass tougher gun control in the wake of the deadly shooting at a Broward County school last week.
The debate now is over what counts as doing enough. On one floor, they crowded the doorway of the office of Gov. Rick Scott, a Republican and an ardent supporter of gun rights, shouting, “Shame on you! Shame on you! Shame on you!” On an upper floor, they gathered outside the office of the powerful speaker of the Florida House, Richard Corcoran. “Face us down! Face us down! Face us down!”
Republicans split — sharply, and sometimes face to face — with student demonstrators over that question on Wednesday morning. Having arrived in Tallahassee overnight, the young activists quickly set about advocating sweeping new gun restrictions, included expanded background checks for gun purchases and an outright ban on the sale of military-style firearms. One student, Alondra Gittelson, 16, confronted the powerful speaker of the Florida House, Richard Corcoran, demanding to know why “such a destructive gun” — the AR-15 rifle — is widely accessible. And on the House floor, Alondra Gittelson, who survived the attack at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School, confronted Mr. Corcoran, a Republican, demanding to know why “such a destructive gun” — the AR-15 rifle — is widely accessible.
“How is an individual in society able to acquire such a gun?” Ms. Gittelson asked Mr. Corcoran on the House floor. “How is an individual in society able to acquire such a gun?” Ms. Gittelson, 16, asked Mr. Corcoran.
Mr. Corcoran’s reply, that he saw the rifle as a legitimate hunting weapon and did not believe a ban would help matters, encapsulated the far more conservative instincts of Florida’s Republican-controlled government. Mr. Corcoran replied that he saw the rifle as a legitimate hunting weapon and did not believe a ban would help matters. “I’ll just be honest with you,” he said. “Me, personally — I don’t believe that’s the solution.”
Stopping well short of the clampdown sought by survivors of the school shooting, Mr. Corcoran, Gov. Rick Scott and other Republicans appear set on pursuing a narrower resolution — a package of incremental measures that would improve certain background checks and bolster mental health services and school security. With about two weeks left in the legislative session, Republicans led by Mr. Scott have concluded that it would be politically catastrophic if they failed to do something to address the growing outcry. But they appear likely to pursue legislation narrower than what students are demanding, avoiding a ban on assault weapons.
The developing clash over firearms could help define Florida politics in a critical election year, testing Republicans’ decades-old grip on state government and handing proponents of gun control a potent issue to wield with moderate voters. In a state where the National Rifle Association has long held powerful influence — every governor for 20 years has been an ally of the group — even fierce supporters of gun rights now say Republicans cannot afford to seem passive in response to gruesome scenes of violence. In the Florida House and Senate, lawmakers said they were involved in bipartisan efforts to craft gun-related legislative proposals that could be introduced Friday or earlier.
Will Weatherford, a former speaker of the Florida House, said on Tuesday that the ferocious public response to the Parkland shooting exposed pent-up feelings of alarm and horror that have mounted over time. Mr. Weatherford, a conservative Republican, said legislators might be able to move quickly on a few tailored proposals, such as raising the legal age for possessing assault rifles. State Senator Bill Galvano, a Republican, said in an interview that the Senate proposal would likely involve raising the age to purchase semiautomatic rifles to 21 from 18; introducing a three-day waiting period to purchase such guns; banning “bump stocks,” an attachment that enables a semiautomatic rifle to fire faster; and expanding the power of law enforcement to restrict the actions of mentally ill people under Florida’s Baker Act.
“Nothing about this is par for the course,” Mr. Galvano said. “We’ve had one too many horrific incidents in this country and really around the world. And to have this tragedy occur here in the State of Florida has in some ways been very sobering.”
He added that there was a “true commitment in the Senate and the House to try to address issues that would prevent something this devastating from ever happening again.”
In addition to the students amassing in Tallahassee, Democrats in Florida have vowed to make gun control a central campaign issue in 2018, and a national gun-control group is already targeting Mr. Scott with television ads that say he neglected public safety.
The developing clash over firearms has the potential to define Florida politics in a critical election year, thrusting the state into the center of a stalemated national debate around gun violence and the Second Amendment. In a politically divided state where the National Rifle Association has held broad influence for decades — every governor for 20 years has been an ally of the group — even fierce supporters of gun rights now believe Republicans cannot afford to seem passive in response to gruesome scenes of violence.
The arrival of the student protesters from Stoneman Douglas, who traveled hundreds of miles by bus to the state capital, drastically raised the political stakes for Florida’s long-ruling Republicans. Having reached Tallahassee overnight, the young activists quickly set about advocating for sweeping new gun restrictions, included expanded background checks for gun purchases and an outright ban on the sale of military-style firearms.
Inside the Capitol, the students divided into groups of 10. Senator Lauren Book, a Democrat, had helped the students arrange meetings with lawmakers in both parties, and the groups planned to meet with some 70 elected officials.
Throughout the day, the Stoneman Douglas students moved through the labyrinthine building, and met for 20 or 30 minutes at a time with lawmakers in their offices. They crowded around small conference tables and packed onto leather couches or sat cross-legged on nubby carpets.
Some lawmakers asked for photographs they could use for promotional materials. At least one, a Democrat, pulled students into a picture before even introducing himself.
Group No. 6 crammed into the elevator with two parent chaperones. They met with Representative Patricia H. Williams, a Democrat, and Senator Debbie Mayfield, a Republican. Ms. Mayfield said that changes were needed, perhaps including raising the minimum age to buy powerful weapons, but she rebuffed criticism from a student, Daniel Bishop, 16, that such a change would not actually prevent deaths.
“We can’t stop crazies,” she told the group.
Afterward, Amanda De La Cruz, 16, looked distraught. “I want the ban on semiautomatic weapons,” she said. “I don’t care about the crazies.”
Will Weatherford, a former speaker of the Florida House, said on Tuesday that the ferocious public response to the Parkland shooting exposed pent-up feelings of horror and fear that have mounted over time. Mr. Weatherford, a conservative Republican, said legislators might be able to move quickly on a few tailored proposals, such as raising the legal age for possessing assault rifles.
“With Pulse, with what took place in Las Vegas, there’s been an aggregate effect,” Mr. Weatherford said, referring to the mass killings in 2016 and 2017 at an Orlando nightclub and an outdoor concert in Las Vegas. “All of it is adding up and there’s a lot of frustration that’s boiling over.”“With Pulse, with what took place in Las Vegas, there’s been an aggregate effect,” Mr. Weatherford said, referring to the mass killings in 2016 and 2017 at an Orlando nightclub and an outdoor concert in Las Vegas. “All of it is adding up and there’s a lot of frustration that’s boiling over.”
Mr. Weatherford said he expected the Legislature to take action of some kind, but cautioned: “It’s hard to write a thoughtful policy in three weeks.”Mr. Weatherford said he expected the Legislature to take action of some kind, but cautioned: “It’s hard to write a thoughtful policy in three weeks.”
Proponents of stricter gun control, however, seem unlikely to be appeased by what they perceive as half-measures. Democrats and activists responded with fury to a vote in the Florida House on Tuesday against considering a ban on assault weapons, and Gwen Graham, a leading candidate for governor, said in an interview that the vote showed “the gun lobby is in control of Tallahassee.” Proponents of stricter gun control, however, seem unlikely to be appeased by what they perceive as half-measures. Students at the Capitol Wednesday denounced the Legislature for having voted down a proposal on Tuesday to consider banning assault weapons. “The people around us failed us,” declared Delaney Tarr, a student at Stoneman Douglas. “And if they continue to fail us, then they will no longer be in office because soon we will have the ability to vote, and we will vote them out.”
On Wednesday morning, students voiced exasperation and distress in response to the reticence of some Republicans to back new gun regulations. One such lawmaker, State Senator Debbie Mayfield, told students that she supported raising the age requirement for purchasing assault weapons from 18, and rebuffed criticism from one student, Daniel Bishop, 16, who said that measure alone would not stop mass killings. The mood in the Capitol grew progressively more contentious throughout the day, as respectful disagreements between students and lawmakers gave way to blunt expressions of indignation by frustrated activists. By the afternoon, the Stoneman Douglas students had been joined by thousands of other Floridians, including college students, who had come to voice their support for changes to gun laws.
“We can’t stop crazies,” Ms. Mayfield said. The revival of gun regulation as a political issue comes at a precarious moment in Florida politics, as a polarizing president warps traditional political boundaries in a state he narrowly won in 2016. Republicans in Florida have experienced several setbacks recently in special elections, as traditionally Republican-friendly voters have deserted the party in heavily suburban and Hispanic areas. The gun issue could drive an even deeper wedge between rural parts of the state, where Mr. Trump remains popular, and its cities and suburbs.
Amanda De La Cruz, 16, was dismayed. “She doesn’t support the ban on semiautomatic weapons,” she lamented. “I want the ban on semiautomatic weapons. I don’t care about the crazies.” This year, control of Florida’s governorship, the State Senate, several congressional seats and a United States Senate seat are expected to be intensely contested.
That ban appears likely to be on the ballot, at least figuratively, in this year’s elections: All four Democrats running for governor in 2018 have called for an assault weapons ban, and members of Florida’s congressional delegation have pushed for a broad reassessment of gun regulations at the federal level. No Republican candidates for statewide office have backed the proposal. The growing pressure on Florida Republicans may reflect the changing national contours of the gun debate, which for years has been shaped chiefly by ardent supporters of the Second Amendment who vote in force. While several Democratic-leaning states, like Connecticut and Colorado, passed ambitious gun-violence laws after mass shootings, no state wholly controlled by Republicans has enacted legislation even on the comparatively modest scale currently being contemplated in Florida.
Representative Stephanie Murphy, a Democrat who represents the Orlando area, said voters in her largely suburban district had reached a breaking point on the gun issue. Ms. Murphy, who has introduced legislation to authorize the Department of Health and Human Services to study gun violence, said the government had failed to keep pace with regular people’s concerns about mass killings. As a matter of electoral politics, the Republican with the most at stake may be Mr. Scott, a wealthy former hospital executive who is closely aligned with the N.R.A. Mr. Scott has been moving to challenge Senator Bill Nelson, a long-serving Democrat who supports gun control, and the governor’s political allies believe passing some form of public-safety legislation is essential to his prospects in the race.
“People are angry and they’re outraged and they’re motivated,” said Ms. Murphy, who defeated an N.R.A.-backed Republican in 2016. “We were affected by Pulse less than two years ago, and here’s another mass shooting.” A commercial blasting Mr. Scott for rejecting “policies that could keep Florida children safe” was released this week by Giffords, a gun control group founded by former Representative Gabrielle Giffords, who was shot outside an Arizona supermarket in 2011, and her husband, the astronaut Mark Kelly.
The revival of gun regulation as a political issue comes at a precarious moment in Florida politics, as a polarizing president warps traditional political boundaries in the state. President Trump narrowly defeated the Democratic candidate Hillary Clinton in the state in 2016. But since then, Republicans have experienced several setbacks in special elections, as traditionally Republican-leaning voters have deserted the party in heavily suburban and Hispanic districts. In 2018, control of Florida’s governorship, the State Senate, several congressional seats and a United States Senate seat are expected to be intensely contested. Representative Stephanie Murphy, a Democrat who represents the Orlando area, said there was a mood of deepening frustration in her largely suburban district, because the government had plainly failed to keep pace with concerns about mass killings. Having defeated an N.R.A.-backed Republican in the aftermath of the nightclub massacre in 2016, Ms. Murphy said moderate voters had reached a breaking point.
The gun issue could drive an even deeper wedge between rural parts of the state, where Mr. Trump remains popular, and its cities and suburbs. In other states like New York and Colorado, Democrats have campaigned confidently on gun control in more densely populated and diverse areas and pushed for the passage of gun laws, only to see rural voters swing hard against the party in response. “People are angry and they’re outraged and they’re motivated,” she said. “We were affected by Pulse less than two years ago, and here’s another mass shooting.”
The growing pressure on Florida Republicans may reflect the changing national contours of the gun debate, which for years has been shaped chiefly by ardent supporters of the Second Amendment who vote in force. While several Democratic-leaning states, like Connecticut and Colorado, passed ambitious gun-violence laws after previous mass shootings, no state wholly controlled by Republicans has enacted legislation even on the comparatively modest scale currently contemplated in Florida.
As a matter of electoral politics, the Republican with the most at stake may be Mr. Scott, an ally of Second Amendment groups who has signed a number of laws easing access to firearms. A former hospital executive, Mr. Scott has been moving toward a challenge to Senator Bill Nelson, a long-serving Democrat who supports gun control. Mr. Scott has signaled to lawmakers this week that he is eager to embrace some form of a public-safety package, and his political allies believe passing such legislation could be essential to his prospects as a Senate candidate.
Mr. Scott has given little indication that he will entertain more aggressive forms of gun control, and allies of Mr. Nelson said on Tuesday that they are preparing to wage a scathing campaign against Mr. Scott’s gun record. A commercial blasting Mr. Scott for rejecting “policies that could keep Florida children safe” was released this week by Giffords, a gun control group founded by former Representative Gabrielle Giffords, who was shot outside an Arizona supermarket in 2011, and her husband, the astronaut Mark Kelly.
Peter Ambler, the group’s executive director, said opposing Mr. Scott was an urgent priority for the well-funded organization. The legislative activity by Republicans so far, he said, amounts to an effort to do something minimal until the sense of urgency on guns goes away.
“Rick Scott can’t be a United States senator,” Mr. Ambler said, pledging the Giffords group would “make sure that every single voter in Florida is informed about the decline in public and community school safety that the governor is responsible for.”
But with a strongly conservative Florida House, Mr. Scott is likely to have ample company in his skepticism of new gun laws. And it is still uncertain whether even a modest gun-violence package can clear the state’s Legislature. State Representative Matt Caldwell, a Republican, said he believed it would be a mistake to treat the “availability of guns” as a threat, rather than more general mental health and security concerns. Mr. Caldwell said he had spoken privately with Mr. Scott and believed the two of them were on the same page.
“He wants to do something that is going to be effective,” Mr. Caldwell said. “We can’t be doing something that just makes us feel good.”