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You can find the current article at its original source at https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2018/jul/19/bullying-mps-parties-parliament-politics-harassment
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| Bullying MPs will be held to account, however much their parties resist | Bullying MPs will be held to account, however much their parties resist |
| (about 1 month later) | |
| The news that John Woodcock MP has resigned from the Labour party, protesting about the handling of a sexual misconduct allegation against him (which he strenuously denies), is yet more evidence – were any needed – that the political party system still doesn’t understand bullying and sexual harassment. And it makes the work of the steering group set up to create a new independent complaints system even more important. | The news that John Woodcock MP has resigned from the Labour party, protesting about the handling of a sexual misconduct allegation against him (which he strenuously denies), is yet more evidence – were any needed – that the political party system still doesn’t understand bullying and sexual harassment. And it makes the work of the steering group set up to create a new independent complaints system even more important. |
| As well as securing justice for individuals, designing a framework to better protect all those working in and around politics is a vital part of how we move beyond #MeToo and #TimesUp and help to dismantle male privilege and male-dominated hierarchies. That’s why I was so determined to play an active role in the cross-party group driving forward change in parliament – a process that has meant being prepared to question everything that is apparently unquestionable about how Westminster works, from parliamentary privilege to the power of the whip system. | As well as securing justice for individuals, designing a framework to better protect all those working in and around politics is a vital part of how we move beyond #MeToo and #TimesUp and help to dismantle male privilege and male-dominated hierarchies. That’s why I was so determined to play an active role in the cross-party group driving forward change in parliament – a process that has meant being prepared to question everything that is apparently unquestionable about how Westminster works, from parliamentary privilege to the power of the whip system. |
| We are the first legislature in the world to tackle these issues so comprehensively and the new system is undoubtedly groundbreaking. However, there’s been stealthy but significant pushback at the progressive nature of what some of us have been seeking to do – not only to drag British politics into the 21st century, but to make it exemplary. | We are the first legislature in the world to tackle these issues so comprehensively and the new system is undoubtedly groundbreaking. However, there’s been stealthy but significant pushback at the progressive nature of what some of us have been seeking to do – not only to drag British politics into the 21st century, but to make it exemplary. |
| From the outset, it was clear that while significant progress has been made towards a system that’s freer than ever from the influence of political parties, the principle of full independence is undermined by allowing MPs to be the final decision-makers in serious complaints about colleagues. | From the outset, it was clear that while significant progress has been made towards a system that’s freer than ever from the influence of political parties, the principle of full independence is undermined by allowing MPs to be the final decision-makers in serious complaints about colleagues. |
| The door has been left ajar to changing the rules, for example by allowing current lay members of the committee on standards to have full voting parity with MPs on such matters – and the chair of the committee’s support for such a move should be applauded, as should a compromise allowing lay members an indicative vote. But the resistance has been palpable and the bigger parties in particular have baulked at anything that might reduce their power and influence, clinging on to the House of Commons as judge and jury rather than giving the parliamentary commissioner for standards the power, in some instances, to trigger the recall process. Recall rightly leaves the ultimate decision in the hands of the electorate and, with the necessary political will, it would be possible to completely remove MPs from the marking of their own homework. | The door has been left ajar to changing the rules, for example by allowing current lay members of the committee on standards to have full voting parity with MPs on such matters – and the chair of the committee’s support for such a move should be applauded, as should a compromise allowing lay members an indicative vote. But the resistance has been palpable and the bigger parties in particular have baulked at anything that might reduce their power and influence, clinging on to the House of Commons as judge and jury rather than giving the parliamentary commissioner for standards the power, in some instances, to trigger the recall process. Recall rightly leaves the ultimate decision in the hands of the electorate and, with the necessary political will, it would be possible to completely remove MPs from the marking of their own homework. |
| Granted, delivering a system that’s totally independent is not without risks – most notably if MPs facing sanctions for their behaviour decide to launch legal action against the idea of someone unelected subjecting them to recall. However, the alternative is not risk-free either: the main difference being that staff will bear that risk, as second-class citizens in a system that still protects MPs just that little bit more. | Granted, delivering a system that’s totally independent is not without risks – most notably if MPs facing sanctions for their behaviour decide to launch legal action against the idea of someone unelected subjecting them to recall. However, the alternative is not risk-free either: the main difference being that staff will bear that risk, as second-class citizens in a system that still protects MPs just that little bit more. |
| Although some voluntary measures have been put in place, the reforms that will deliver real and meaningful culture change, such as compulsory consent and good employer training for all MPs and peers (and it is worth noting that not only male MPs have been accused of harassment or bullying) have been delayed until after the next election – again because of resistance from those that feel they have most to lose. “We can’t bring in these things without good warning,” goes the argument. “Who warned staff they’d have to put up with groping or having furniture thrown at them when taking a job in parliament?” goes the counter-argument. | Although some voluntary measures have been put in place, the reforms that will deliver real and meaningful culture change, such as compulsory consent and good employer training for all MPs and peers (and it is worth noting that not only male MPs have been accused of harassment or bullying) have been delayed until after the next election – again because of resistance from those that feel they have most to lose. “We can’t bring in these things without good warning,” goes the argument. “Who warned staff they’d have to put up with groping or having furniture thrown at them when taking a job in parliament?” goes the counter-argument. |
| Action in the next parliament (probably after an election in 2022) is better than never, and seeing parliament committing to doing this at all sends a powerful and positive signal. But it’s hugely frustrating that the politicians holding out against change cannot understand how a culture of mutual respect and accountability benefits everyone. | Action in the next parliament (probably after an election in 2022) is better than never, and seeing parliament committing to doing this at all sends a powerful and positive signal. But it’s hugely frustrating that the politicians holding out against change cannot understand how a culture of mutual respect and accountability benefits everyone. |
| I remain deeply uncomfortable that historic complaints will not all be treated equally. A new independent inquiry will create space for reporting and there will be access to support and advice services. What it won’t do is result in appropriate sanctions for everyone found guilty of historic misconduct. And for those who want justice and reparations, even for behaviours that have clearly always been wrong, the decision to impose an arbitrary 2017 cut-off point is a real betrayal and further evidence of the establishment closing ranks. Legal advice made it clear that it was possible to create more opportunities to pursue historic complaints, but these have been repeatedly and unfathomably shut down. | I remain deeply uncomfortable that historic complaints will not all be treated equally. A new independent inquiry will create space for reporting and there will be access to support and advice services. What it won’t do is result in appropriate sanctions for everyone found guilty of historic misconduct. And for those who want justice and reparations, even for behaviours that have clearly always been wrong, the decision to impose an arbitrary 2017 cut-off point is a real betrayal and further evidence of the establishment closing ranks. Legal advice made it clear that it was possible to create more opportunities to pursue historic complaints, but these have been repeatedly and unfathomably shut down. |
| In many historic cases, the only option available is to bring a complaint via the relevant political party. But there’s always a risk that this could be abused, for example by anyone wanting to avoid sanctions. It looks like Woodcock’s resignation means the complaint against him can no longer be investigated by Labour. The promises made by every political party to get their own houses in order must be urgently delivered upon – and parliament needs to do more to close this and other loopholes. | In many historic cases, the only option available is to bring a complaint via the relevant political party. But there’s always a risk that this could be abused, for example by anyone wanting to avoid sanctions. It looks like Woodcock’s resignation means the complaint against him can no longer be investigated by Labour. The promises made by every political party to get their own houses in order must be urgently delivered upon – and parliament needs to do more to close this and other loopholes. |
| The new behaviour code, which all of Westminster will be expected to abide by, asks that individuals recognise their power, influence and authority, and don’t abuse them. The very process of developing the code and associated policies and procedures has shone a light on the importance of this aspiration. By seeking to tackle bullying, harassment and sexual harassment, parliament has taken a significant step in the right direction. The challenge is to keep our eyes on the final destination and, above all, to keep walking. | The new behaviour code, which all of Westminster will be expected to abide by, asks that individuals recognise their power, influence and authority, and don’t abuse them. The very process of developing the code and associated policies and procedures has shone a light on the importance of this aspiration. By seeking to tackle bullying, harassment and sexual harassment, parliament has taken a significant step in the right direction. The challenge is to keep our eyes on the final destination and, above all, to keep walking. |
| • Caroline Lucas is MP for Brighton Pavilion and co-leader of the Green party | • Caroline Lucas is MP for Brighton Pavilion and co-leader of the Green party |
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