'From headkicker to suburban Scott: will Morrison's rapid rebranding work?' diff viewer (1/2)

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From headkicker to suburban Scott: will Morrison's rapid rebranding work?	From headkicker to suburban Scott: will Morrison's rapid rebranding work?
2018-11-09 23:20:38 UTC	2018-12-04 15:56:35 UTC (25 days later)
One of the first external calls Scott Morrison made after he secured the prime ministership was to the National Farmers’ Federation. After two weeks of frenzied bloodletting, Morrison wanted to stabilise the government by making drought an early focus, and was on the hunt for places to visit.	One of the first external calls Scott Morrison made after he secured the prime ministership was to the National Farmers’ Federation. After two weeks of frenzied bloodletting, Morrison wanted to stabilise the government by making drought an early focus, and was on the hunt for places to visit.
From the tarmac in Longreach, Morrison called Fiona Simson, the NFF president. She recalls their conversation. “He said: ‘I don’t know much about farmers, I don’t know much about farming and I don’t know much about drought.’ He said: ‘I want to come and listen and learn.’”	From the tarmac in Longreach, Morrison called Fiona Simson, the NFF president. She recalls their conversation. “He said: ‘I don’t know much about farmers, I don’t know much about farming and I don’t know much about drought.’ He said: ‘I want to come and listen and learn.’”
	Can a political leader survive in this climate? – Australian politics live podcast
Simson, who is a farmer and poll hereford breeder from the Liverpool Plains, was close enough to Malcolm Turnbull for the two to talk regularly, and exchange cattle tips. She’s a direct communicator, not prone to mincing words, and she had some advice for Morrison. “I told him [people’s] bullshit meter is very high. Don’t promise things you can’t deliver, or they’ll pick you a mile away. Just be genuine, and interested, and listen and learn, and you will be fine.” Morrison told her he wanted to debrief at the conclusion of the visit.	Simson, who is a farmer and poll hereford breeder from the Liverpool Plains, was close enough to Malcolm Turnbull for the two to talk regularly, and exchange cattle tips. She’s a direct communicator, not prone to mincing words, and she had some advice for Morrison. “I told him [people’s] bullshit meter is very high. Don’t promise things you can’t deliver, or they’ll pick you a mile away. Just be genuine, and interested, and listen and learn, and you will be fine.” Morrison told her he wanted to debrief at the conclusion of the visit.
By the time the two met up in Canberra, Morrison’s physical world was in flux. He was occupying the prime ministerial office, but his possessions hadn’t yet caught up with him.	By the time the two met up in Canberra, Morrison’s physical world was in flux. He was occupying the prime ministerial office, but his possessions hadn’t yet caught up with him.
Simson and the NFF’s chief executive, Tony Mahar, sat in the suite as people wandered in and out with boxes and personal effects, a mildly surreal experience for the visiting civilians, rather like an impromptu supervision of end-of-lease cleaners. “We were sitting there, relaxing in couches that were probably still Malcolm’s, and there was all this stuff going on all around us.”	Simson and the NFF’s chief executive, Tony Mahar, sat in the suite as people wandered in and out with boxes and personal effects, a mildly surreal experience for the visiting civilians, rather like an impromptu supervision of end-of-lease cleaners. “We were sitting there, relaxing in couches that were probably still Malcolm’s, and there was all this stuff going on all around us.”
Only in Australian politics, with its revolving door of prime ministers, could such an unmoored meeting take place: a prime minister, an important and influential stakeholder, and a bunch of removalists wandering in and out with boxes and pieces of furniture.	Only in Australian politics, with its revolving door of prime ministers, could such an unmoored meeting take place: a prime minister, an important and influential stakeholder, and a bunch of removalists wandering in and out with boxes and pieces of furniture.
It says everything about where we find ourselves: the anecdote speaks to the permanency of our flux.	It says everything about where we find ourselves: the anecdote speaks to the permanency of our flux.
Morrison is building the plane of his prime ministership as it is flying, which should be impossible, and perhaps will prove to be. It’s a discombobulating experience for the passengers and onlookers as the partially assembled fuselage ascends through turbulence hoping to clear the clouds and reach cruising altitude.	Morrison is building the plane of his prime ministership as it is flying, which should be impossible, and perhaps will prove to be. It’s a discombobulating experience for the passengers and onlookers as the partially assembled fuselage ascends through turbulence hoping to clear the clouds and reach cruising altitude.
Things have been moving at breakneck pace since Morrison took the top job a bit over two months ago. He warned us from the outset to buckle in. The new prime minister borrowed a quote from the American general, Norman Schwarzkopf, to telegraph his disposition to the baying Labor MPs across the chamber. When placed in command, take charge. One confidant puts it this way: “He’s mission focused, and he’s driving it hard, because it needs to be driven hard, and time is against him.”	Things have been moving at breakneck pace since Morrison took the top job a bit over two months ago. He warned us from the outset to buckle in. The new prime minister borrowed a quote from the American general, Norman Schwarzkopf, to telegraph his disposition to the baying Labor MPs across the chamber. When placed in command, take charge. One confidant puts it this way: “He’s mission focused, and he’s driving it hard, because it needs to be driven hard, and time is against him.”
But the question is where is Morrison driving the operation, and what is the objective? Is it face-saving and furniture-saving after a frenzy of self-harm? Is it recovery, and onwards to victory? Or is the ultimate end point catastrophic collision?	But the question is where is Morrison driving the operation, and what is the objective? Is it face-saving and furniture-saving after a frenzy of self-harm? Is it recovery, and onwards to victory? Or is the ultimate end point catastrophic collision?
Before the Wentworth byelection, the mood in the government, at least in quarters not already consumed by gallows humour or reflexive despair, drifted towards hope. Some remain optimistic, insisting if Morrison can get enough time, he’ll connect with voters and deliver the goods.	Before the Wentworth byelection, the mood in the government, at least in quarters not already consumed by gallows humour or reflexive despair, drifted towards hope. Some remain optimistic, insisting if Morrison can get enough time, he’ll connect with voters and deliver the goods.
But the recent rout in Wentworth has shaken that optimism. Even before that electoral setback, Morrison’s decision to flag a major shift in Australia’s policy on the Middle East in the context of a domestic byelection ricocheted inside the government and the bureaucracy, prompting questions about his judgment.	But the recent rout in Wentworth has shaken that optimism. Even before that electoral setback, Morrison’s decision to flag a major shift in Australia’s policy on the Middle East in the context of a domestic byelection ricocheted inside the government and the bureaucracy, prompting questions about his judgment.
One Liberal says: “Prior to Wentworth, people were more optimistic about Morrison being able to change the game, but less so now”.	One Liberal says: “Prior to Wentworth, people were more optimistic about Morrison being able to change the game, but less so now”.
“Wentworth is a shock we still haven’t recovered from.”	“Wentworth is a shock we still haven’t recovered from.”
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Morrison is a difficult political subject to capture. He’s somehow there, and not there, possibly because survival rates are higher for the occupants of the cursed castle of parliament house when they are moving targets.	Morrison is a difficult political subject to capture. He’s somehow there, and not there, possibly because survival rates are higher for the occupants of the cursed castle of parliament house when they are moving targets.
People who know him well describe a man of family and faith, a hard worker, loyal to intimates, who is also hugely ambitious, and a political animal to the core. One colleague says Morrison is always triangulating, with the mind chasing the latest best soundbite. He seeks information relentlessly, but doesn’t agonise. If things go pear-shaped, he dusts off and moves on quickly.	People who know him well describe a man of family and faith, a hard worker, loyal to intimates, who is also hugely ambitious, and a political animal to the core. One colleague says Morrison is always triangulating, with the mind chasing the latest best soundbite. He seeks information relentlessly, but doesn’t agonise. If things go pear-shaped, he dusts off and moves on quickly.
Andrew Scipione, the former New South Wales police commissioner, and like Morrison a man of deep faith, has known the prime minister socially for about 15 years. He says Morrison is “genuine, authentic and courageous. My impressions are not of the politician, they are of the man. He’s a very genuine Australian … an honest, forthright man, exactly what you’d want, and we want more genuine, authentic, courageous leaders.”	Andrew Scipione, the former New South Wales police commissioner, and like Morrison a man of deep faith, has known the prime minister socially for about 15 years. He says Morrison is “genuine, authentic and courageous. My impressions are not of the politician, they are of the man. He’s a very genuine Australian … an honest, forthright man, exactly what you’d want, and we want more genuine, authentic, courageous leaders.”
External perceptions of Morrison from stakeholders are mixed. Some decline to speak on the record because they have nothing constructive to say.	External perceptions of Morrison from stakeholders are mixed. Some decline to speak on the record because they have nothing constructive to say.
Simson is positive about Morrison. She suspects what you see is what you get. “I think he’s really fair dinkum. I’ve found him open, approachable, willing to listen and learn, willing to do commonsense things if he can, wanting to make a difference” – although she cautions he is moving at a pace that invites missteps.	Simson is positive about Morrison. She suspects what you see is what you get. “I think he’s really fair dinkum. I’ve found him open, approachable, willing to listen and learn, willing to do commonsense things if he can, wanting to make a difference” – although she cautions he is moving at a pace that invites missteps.
She says Morrison needs to understand that when you are at the point of briefing journalists that something new is about to happen, stakeholders also need to be in the loop. “They are doing a lot of things on the run – that has its risks but it has rewards as well for beneficiaries. Some of the things they are doing have the potential to be really really good, or very, very bad, depending upon how they are set up.”	She says Morrison needs to understand that when you are at the point of briefing journalists that something new is about to happen, stakeholders also need to be in the loop. “They are doing a lot of things on the run – that has its risks but it has rewards as well for beneficiaries. Some of the things they are doing have the potential to be really really good, or very, very bad, depending upon how they are set up.”
Cassandra Goldie, the head of the Australian Council of Social Service, dealt with Morrison when he held the social services portfolio. She says there was a widespread alarm in the sector when he took the job after his head-kicking time in immigration, but she found him “interpersonally engaged, and respectful” to deal with.	Cassandra Goldie, the head of the Australian Council of Social Service, dealt with Morrison when he held the social services portfolio. She says there was a widespread alarm in the sector when he took the job after his head-kicking time in immigration, but she found him “interpersonally engaged, and respectful” to deal with.
“He’s demonstrated that he is capable of pragmatism, of being able to change direction,” Goldie says, but she wonders whether he is in a position to change the government’s direction fundamentally now “because they are not winning with an agenda of tax cuts and smaller government”.	“He’s demonstrated that he is capable of pragmatism, of being able to change direction,” Goldie says, but she wonders whether he is in a position to change the government’s direction fundamentally now “because they are not winning with an agenda of tax cuts and smaller government”.
The prominent mental health expert, Pat McGorry, who has dealt with him in immigration and social services, says Morrison is responsive when presented with evidence. “I’ve always tried to work in an absolutely bipartisan way to progress mental health in Australia, and develop a good relationship with whomever is prime minister and health minister. That’s been possible with Scott Morrison.	The prominent mental health expert, Pat McGorry, who has dealt with him in immigration and social services, says Morrison is responsive when presented with evidence. “I’ve always tried to work in an absolutely bipartisan way to progress mental health in Australia, and develop a good relationship with whomever is prime minister and health minister. That’s been possible with Scott Morrison.
“He can be decisive. Obviously there is politics around that. He feels he is getting some benefit, he functions as a political animal, but I haven’t had any negative interactions with him.” McGorry said he expected some difficulty when they first met, given Morrison’s combative public persona, but found him cordial and constructive in private discussion.	“He can be decisive. Obviously there is politics around that. He feels he is getting some benefit, he functions as a political animal, but I haven’t had any negative interactions with him.” McGorry said he expected some difficulty when they first met, given Morrison’s combative public persona, but found him cordial and constructive in private discussion.
Morrison learned about the high personal transaction costs of being a player in a leadership crisis	Morrison learned about the high personal transaction costs of being a player in a leadership crisis
Sean Kelly, in a perspicacious profile of the new prime minister for The Monthly, catalogues a no-fault prime minister, a change agent determined to leave no trace. As one longtime observer of Morrison puts it pithily: “The crime may have been committed, but Morrison is never at the scene, even though forensics would tell you his fingerprints are all over it.”	Sean Kelly, in a perspicacious profile of the new prime minister for The Monthly, catalogues a no-fault prime minister, a change agent determined to leave no trace. As one longtime observer of Morrison puts it pithily: “The crime may have been committed, but Morrison is never at the scene, even though forensics would tell you his fingerprints are all over it.”
This pattern can be traced through his portfolios, but the zenith was reached during Morrison’s own passive account of becoming prime minister.	This pattern can be traced through his portfolios, but the zenith was reached during Morrison’s own passive account of becoming prime minister.
Morrison says he ascended because colleagues wanted him to, disavowing his own ambition or agency. The reality others witnessed was different. Some say Turnbull was actively talked out of the leadership by people who should have been guarding his flank.	Morrison says he ascended because colleagues wanted him to, disavowing his own ambition or agency. The reality others witnessed was different. Some say Turnbull was actively talked out of the leadership by people who should have been guarding his flank.
The facts of the two weeks of derangement suggest the following: when Peter Dutton and his boosters blundered in their hostile takeover, Morrison took advantage of opportunity, either because he wanted the job and the answer is never no when the moment presents, or because he was persuaded by core supporters (who were out, actively clearing the runway for him) that stepping forward was in the best interests of the Liberal party, because Turnbull’s wounds were now fatal.	The facts of the two weeks of derangement suggest the following: when Peter Dutton and his boosters blundered in their hostile takeover, Morrison took advantage of opportunity, either because he wanted the job and the answer is never no when the moment presents, or because he was persuaded by core supporters (who were out, actively clearing the runway for him) that stepping forward was in the best interests of the Liberal party, because Turnbull’s wounds were now fatal.
People close to him, and in a position to know, insist it was the latter, not the former. They also insist that Morrison, in the critical week when the government imploded, took some persuading, because his sincere desire was to be loyal to Turnbull until the last.	People close to him, and in a position to know, insist it was the latter, not the former. They also insist that Morrison, in the critical week when the government imploded, took some persuading, because his sincere desire was to be loyal to Turnbull until the last.
Morrison learned about the high personal transaction costs of being a player in a leadership crisis when Tony Abbott and his caustic coterie blamed him in 2015 when Turnbull returned to the Liberal leadership. The fallout from the Abbott defenestration was intense and acrimonious. When the cycle repeated in August, Morrison wanted to position himself as a cleanskin, a draftee, as the man appointed by the hour.	Morrison learned about the high personal transaction costs of being a player in a leadership crisis when Tony Abbott and his caustic coterie blamed him in 2015 when Turnbull returned to the Liberal leadership. The fallout from the Abbott defenestration was intense and acrimonious. When the cycle repeated in August, Morrison wanted to position himself as a cleanskin, a draftee, as the man appointed by the hour.
Since taking the job, Morrison’s presentation, again, is implicitly passive. The main message he wants to convey in the opening period of his prime ministership is “I’m not Malcolm”, and the target audience for that is predominantly Queensland – the state that will determine the outcome of the next federal election. One colleague is caustic about Project Sell Scott. “Is he the prime minister, or is he auditioning to be bogan-in-chief?”	Since taking the job, Morrison’s presentation, again, is implicitly passive. The main message he wants to convey in the opening period of his prime ministership is “I’m not Malcolm”, and the target audience for that is predominantly Queensland – the state that will determine the outcome of the next federal election. One colleague is caustic about Project Sell Scott. “Is he the prime minister, or is he auditioning to be bogan-in-chief?”
Morrison’s supporters say he’s courting older voters, and outer suburban voters – the folks working hard but not getting ahead that have been squarely in Bill Shorten’s sights for two terms.	Morrison’s supporters say he’s courting older voters, and outer suburban voters – the folks working hard but not getting ahead that have been squarely in Bill Shorten’s sights for two terms.
The Queensland Liberal Luke Howarth, a Dutton supporter who proved a catalytic figure in the leadership implosion by planning to bring matters to a head in the party room – a sortie that was ultimately headed off by Turnbull’s decision to test his own numbers – says older people in his neck of the woods are positive about Morrison. “He’s got broad appeal, and the capacity to connect with people across the board.” Further north in Queensland, the veteran MP Warren Enstch says there’s a “point of familiarity” between his constituents and the new prime minister.	The Queensland Liberal Luke Howarth, a Dutton supporter who proved a catalytic figure in the leadership implosion by planning to bring matters to a head in the party room – a sortie that was ultimately headed off by Turnbull’s decision to test his own numbers – says older people in his neck of the woods are positive about Morrison. “He’s got broad appeal, and the capacity to connect with people across the board.” Further north in Queensland, the veteran MP Warren Enstch says there’s a “point of familiarity” between his constituents and the new prime minister.
It’s that point of familiarity that Team Morrison is seeking to entrench in the minds of voters through a marketing offensive that is about as subtle as a meat axe.	It’s that point of familiarity that Team Morrison is seeking to entrench in the minds of voters through a marketing offensive that is about as subtle as a meat axe.
The objective, presentationally, is to make Morrison relatable. If voters have clocked him at all – and he wasn’t well known at the time he took the leadership – they connect him with his hard man period in the immigration portfolio.	The objective, presentationally, is to make Morrison relatable. If voters have clocked him at all – and he wasn’t well known at the time he took the leadership – they connect him with his hard man period in the immigration portfolio.