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| Richard Lugar, Longtime Indiana G.O.P. Senator, Dies at 87 | Richard Lugar, Longtime Indiana G.O.P. Senator, Dies at 87 |
| (32 minutes later) | |
| Richard G. Lugar, who represented Indiana in the Senate for 36 years and whose mastery of foreign affairs made him one of only a handful of senators in modern history to exercise substantial influence on the nation’s international relations, died on Sunday in Annandale, Va. He was 87. | Richard G. Lugar, who represented Indiana in the Senate for 36 years and whose mastery of foreign affairs made him one of only a handful of senators in modern history to exercise substantial influence on the nation’s international relations, died on Sunday in Annandale, Va. He was 87. |
| His death was announced by the Lugar Center, which said the cause was complications of chronic inflammatory demyelinating polyneuropathy, a nervous system disorder. | |
| Mr. Lugar, who was chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee for two stints, had a wide-ranging impact on foreign issues. But his most notable accomplishment was indisputably as the co-creator of a program to help destroy surplus stocks of nuclear weapons around the world. | Mr. Lugar, who was chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee for two stints, had a wide-ranging impact on foreign issues. But his most notable accomplishment was indisputably as the co-creator of a program to help destroy surplus stocks of nuclear weapons around the world. |
| The project was emblematic of Mr. Lugar’s approach to legislating: it represented an ability to take a long view about complex issues, ran counter to the inclinations of many of his fellow Republicans and was built on a foundation of bipartisan cooperation. It was presented jointly with Senator Sam Nunn, a Georgia Democrat who was chairman of the Armed Services Committee. | The project was emblematic of Mr. Lugar’s approach to legislating: it represented an ability to take a long view about complex issues, ran counter to the inclinations of many of his fellow Republicans and was built on a foundation of bipartisan cooperation. It was presented jointly with Senator Sam Nunn, a Georgia Democrat who was chairman of the Armed Services Committee. |
| The Nunn-Lugar Cooperative Threat Reduction Program was based on the novel concept of providing American funds to destroy obsolete nuclear missiles and materials elsewhere in the world. At the time, the countries of the former Soviet Union said they could not afford the costly process of destruction and were not even providing sufficient resources to properly guard the weapons storage areas. | The Nunn-Lugar Cooperative Threat Reduction Program was based on the novel concept of providing American funds to destroy obsolete nuclear missiles and materials elsewhere in the world. At the time, the countries of the former Soviet Union said they could not afford the costly process of destruction and were not even providing sufficient resources to properly guard the weapons storage areas. |
| The idea was first proposed during the term of President George H.W. Bush, who opposed it along with many others. It took almost a decade, but Mr. Lugar succeeded in persuading Congress and especially skeptical fellow Republicans of the need for such an approach. | The idea was first proposed during the term of President George H.W. Bush, who opposed it along with many others. It took almost a decade, but Mr. Lugar succeeded in persuading Congress and especially skeptical fellow Republicans of the need for such an approach. |
| He was also Congress’s leading voice on treaties to ban or limit nuclear weapons, and his judgment on any such proposals was often a crucial factor in whether it could be enacted. | He was also Congress’s leading voice on treaties to ban or limit nuclear weapons, and his judgment on any such proposals was often a crucial factor in whether it could be enacted. |
| In 1986, President Ronald Reagan chose Mr. Lugar to lead an official American delegation to monitor a crucial election in the Philippines. | In 1986, President Ronald Reagan chose Mr. Lugar to lead an official American delegation to monitor a crucial election in the Philippines. |
| President Ferdinand Marcos, the longtime ruler of the Philippines, appeared to win the balloting, turning back the tide of demonstrations in favor of democracy that had forced him to hold the election. The Reagan administration was prepared to recognize that result and was on the verge of announcing its support. | President Ferdinand Marcos, the longtime ruler of the Philippines, appeared to win the balloting, turning back the tide of demonstrations in favor of democracy that had forced him to hold the election. The Reagan administration was prepared to recognize that result and was on the verge of announcing its support. |
| But Mr. Lugar was insistent in his belief that widespread fraud had occurred and Corazon Aquino, the widow of an assassinated opposition politician, should have been declared the winner. He personally exhorted the president about the election irregularities he had witnessed and persuaded him to block any immediate recognition of a Marcos victory, helping to have Mrs. Aquino declared the eventual victor. | But Mr. Lugar was insistent in his belief that widespread fraud had occurred and Corazon Aquino, the widow of an assassinated opposition politician, should have been declared the winner. He personally exhorted the president about the election irregularities he had witnessed and persuaded him to block any immediate recognition of a Marcos victory, helping to have Mrs. Aquino declared the eventual victor. |
| His independence frequently annoyed many Republicans, both in Washington and Indiana, especially later in 1986, when he helped lead a successful effort in Congress to override Mr. Reagan’s veto of legislation imposing trade and economic sanctions on the white-led government of South Africa over apartheid. | His independence frequently annoyed many Republicans, both in Washington and Indiana, especially later in 1986, when he helped lead a successful effort in Congress to override Mr. Reagan’s veto of legislation imposing trade and economic sanctions on the white-led government of South Africa over apartheid. |
| He has been regularly compared by historians and congressional scholars to former Senators Arthur Vandenberg of Michigan, J. William Fulbright of Arkansas and Henry Jackson of Washington, previous senators who were able to exercise outsized influence in foreign affairs. | He has been regularly compared by historians and congressional scholars to former Senators Arthur Vandenberg of Michigan, J. William Fulbright of Arkansas and Henry Jackson of Washington, previous senators who were able to exercise outsized influence in foreign affairs. |
| But unlike them — and, indeed, like most other occupants of the Senate — Mr. Lugar was known for his extraordinarily low-key manner and modest presence. The occasion of roll-call votes brings the spectacle of senators lingering on the floor to socialize with their counterparts. In contrast, Mr. Lugar would typically cast his vote quickly after entering and wave at some senators before soon departing. | But unlike them — and, indeed, like most other occupants of the Senate — Mr. Lugar was known for his extraordinarily low-key manner and modest presence. The occasion of roll-call votes brings the spectacle of senators lingering on the floor to socialize with their counterparts. In contrast, Mr. Lugar would typically cast his vote quickly after entering and wave at some senators before soon departing. |
| He was among the most scholarly and courtly of lawmakers but those characteristics perhaps contributed to his reputation as an unremarkable orator. In an otherwise highly admiring biography, John T. Shaw, a journalist, said that while Mr. Lugar was never uncomfortable in addressing groups, he was “a wooden speaker who is not always adept at gauging his audience and ascertaining the level of detail they are able or willing to absorb.” | He was among the most scholarly and courtly of lawmakers but those characteristics perhaps contributed to his reputation as an unremarkable orator. In an otherwise highly admiring biography, John T. Shaw, a journalist, said that while Mr. Lugar was never uncomfortable in addressing groups, he was “a wooden speaker who is not always adept at gauging his audience and ascertaining the level of detail they are able or willing to absorb.” |
| An exception may have been in 2008, when he accepted an award for ethics in government. He spoke then with considerable passion about his belief in the need for compromise and bipartisanship. At a time when the Senate was becoming increasingly polarized along party and ideological lines, he argued that senators had a duty to seek consensus across such boundaries. | An exception may have been in 2008, when he accepted an award for ethics in government. He spoke then with considerable passion about his belief in the need for compromise and bipartisanship. At a time when the Senate was becoming increasingly polarized along party and ideological lines, he argued that senators had a duty to seek consensus across such boundaries. |
| Bipartisanship, he said, was not simply moderation or willingness to reach compromises but the only sensible way to govern over the long term. The problem with heavy reliance on opposing the other party, he said, was “whatever is won today through division is usually lost tomorrow.” | Bipartisanship, he said, was not simply moderation or willingness to reach compromises but the only sensible way to govern over the long term. The problem with heavy reliance on opposing the other party, he said, was “whatever is won today through division is usually lost tomorrow.” |
| “The relationships that are destroyed and the ill will that is created make subsequent achievements that much more difficult,’’ he said. It also, he added, “deepens cynicism, sharpens political vendettas and depletes the national reserve of good will that is critical to our survival in hard times.’’ He said lawmakers were obliged to avoid unnecessary inflammatory rhetoric and accept that those of the other party also love their country. | “The relationships that are destroyed and the ill will that is created make subsequent achievements that much more difficult,’’ he said. It also, he added, “deepens cynicism, sharpens political vendettas and depletes the national reserve of good will that is critical to our survival in hard times.’’ He said lawmakers were obliged to avoid unnecessary inflammatory rhetoric and accept that those of the other party also love their country. |
| He was a critic of the 2003 invasion of Iraq, both as to its inception and conduct after the initial fighting. But unlike Senator Fulbright, who was a forceful and vociferous critic of the Vietnam War, Mr. Lugar’s opposition was tendered in more moderate terms. | He was a critic of the 2003 invasion of Iraq, both as to its inception and conduct after the initial fighting. But unlike Senator Fulbright, who was a forceful and vociferous critic of the Vietnam War, Mr. Lugar’s opposition was tendered in more moderate terms. |
| He was briefly chairman of the Agriculture Committee. He proved an unorthodox farm state senator, in that he sought to reduce traditional farm subsidies as part of a larger overhaul of federal agriculture policy to allow farmers greater freedom in organizing their businesses. | He was briefly chairman of the Agriculture Committee. He proved an unorthodox farm state senator, in that he sought to reduce traditional farm subsidies as part of a larger overhaul of federal agriculture policy to allow farmers greater freedom in organizing their businesses. |
| Richard Green Lugar was born in Indianapolis on April 4, 1932, to a farming family with generations of roots in Indiana. | Richard Green Lugar was born in Indianapolis on April 4, 1932, to a farming family with generations of roots in Indiana. |
| His early life and career were marked by the most traditional signposts of American success. He was an Eagle Scout and president of both his Shortridge High School and Denison University senior classes. He got along so well with his college co-president, Charlene “Char” Smeltzer, that they married after graduating. | His early life and career were marked by the most traditional signposts of American success. He was an Eagle Scout and president of both his Shortridge High School and Denison University senior classes. He got along so well with his college co-president, Charlene “Char” Smeltzer, that they married after graduating. |
| He then became a Rhodes Scholar, and during his studies at Oxford, he visited the American embassy in London in 1957 to enlist in the Navy. | He then became a Rhodes Scholar, and during his studies at Oxford, he visited the American embassy in London in 1957 to enlist in the Navy. |
| After his return to the United States, he was commissioned a second lieutenant and eventually became a briefer for Admiral Arleigh Burke, the chief of naval operations, who was a hero of World War II and renowned as a guileful player in Washington politics. Friends said this was his most significant exposure to geopolitical thinking on a global scale and probably the single greatest source of his fascination with foreign policy. | After his return to the United States, he was commissioned a second lieutenant and eventually became a briefer for Admiral Arleigh Burke, the chief of naval operations, who was a hero of World War II and renowned as a guileful player in Washington politics. Friends said this was his most significant exposure to geopolitical thinking on a global scale and probably the single greatest source of his fascination with foreign policy. |
| After a few years back in Indiana running a machine business, he was elected to the Indianapolis school board. His old high school by then was 90 percent African-American and he pushed through a plan to make his alma mater one of the nation’s first integrated magnet schools for college-bound youngsters, and it became divided evenly between blacks and whites. But the plan was highly unpopular politically and was reversed in little more than a year. Because of that, he suffered his first electoral setback, being defeated for school board president. | After a few years back in Indiana running a machine business, he was elected to the Indianapolis school board. His old high school by then was 90 percent African-American and he pushed through a plan to make his alma mater one of the nation’s first integrated magnet schools for college-bound youngsters, and it became divided evenly between blacks and whites. But the plan was highly unpopular politically and was reversed in little more than a year. Because of that, he suffered his first electoral setback, being defeated for school board president. |
| He rebounded, however, to be elected mayor of Indianapolis in 1967 at age 35. In his two terms, he helped conceive of and push through a plan to unify Indianapolis with surrounding Marion County in all forms of government but for the schools. | He rebounded, however, to be elected mayor of Indianapolis in 1967 at age 35. In his two terms, he helped conceive of and push through a plan to unify Indianapolis with surrounding Marion County in all forms of government but for the schools. |
| He defeated Senator Vance Hartke in 1976 after failing to unseat the state’s other incumbent Democrat, Senator Birch Bayh, two years earlier. He had always been able to campaign as a true son of Indiana and as someone who still operated a large soybean farm. He had no Democratic opponent in his last successful re-election race in 2006. | He defeated Senator Vance Hartke in 1976 after failing to unseat the state’s other incumbent Democrat, Senator Birch Bayh, two years earlier. He had always been able to campaign as a true son of Indiana and as someone who still operated a large soybean farm. He had no Democratic opponent in his last successful re-election race in 2006. |
| But six years later, he became a target for the unforgiving conservatives of his party’s Tea Party wing and was defeated in the Republican primary by Richard Mourdock, the state treasurer. It was apparent that many Republican primary voters had lost patience with Mr. Lugar’s moderate stances on some issues and especially his relentless and outspoken faith in the need for cooperation with Democrats | But six years later, he became a target for the unforgiving conservatives of his party’s Tea Party wing and was defeated in the Republican primary by Richard Mourdock, the state treasurer. It was apparent that many Republican primary voters had lost patience with Mr. Lugar’s moderate stances on some issues and especially his relentless and outspoken faith in the need for cooperation with Democrats |
| In fact, Mr. Lugar represented many of the features of Republican incumbents that Tea Party adherents came to regard with fury. In addition to his practice of working with Democrats, he was moderate on many issues. Attention to foreign relations has traditionally brought few political dividends to senators. And in his case, his inclination was toward an expansive, internationalist view of world affairs, often disdained by party conservatives. | In fact, Mr. Lugar represented many of the features of Republican incumbents that Tea Party adherents came to regard with fury. In addition to his practice of working with Democrats, he was moderate on many issues. Attention to foreign relations has traditionally brought few political dividends to senators. And in his case, his inclination was toward an expansive, internationalist view of world affairs, often disdained by party conservatives. |
| The narrative of the Tea Party as an effective spoiler in Republican politics but without wider appeal played out after his primary defeat; Mr. Mourdock was defeated in the general election by Joe Donnelly, in part because of Mr. Mourdock’s statement that he opposed abortion in cases of rape because any resulting pregnancies were “something that God intended to happen.” | The narrative of the Tea Party as an effective spoiler in Republican politics but without wider appeal played out after his primary defeat; Mr. Mourdock was defeated in the general election by Joe Donnelly, in part because of Mr. Mourdock’s statement that he opposed abortion in cases of rape because any resulting pregnancies were “something that God intended to happen.” |
| Besides his wife, Mr. Lugar’s survivors include four sons, Mark, Robert, John and David; a sister, Anne (Lugar) Johnson; 13 grandchildren, and 17 great-grandchildren. | |
| After his defeat, Mr. Lugar sat down with family and longtime aides to figure out what to do with the remainder of his life. Dan Diller, a Lugar speechwriter for many years, said that Mr. Lugar made it immediately plain that he would not become a lobbyist, the path of many ex-lawmakers. | After his defeat, Mr. Lugar sat down with family and longtime aides to figure out what to do with the remainder of his life. Dan Diller, a Lugar speechwriter for many years, said that Mr. Lugar made it immediately plain that he would not become a lobbyist, the path of many ex-lawmakers. |
| Out of those discussions came the idea for the Lugar Center, a Washington-based think tank. In the ensuing years, the Lugar Center sponsored studies of the issues he had dealt with as a senator: world hunger, nuclear proliferation and education. | Out of those discussions came the idea for the Lugar Center, a Washington-based think tank. In the ensuing years, the Lugar Center sponsored studies of the issues he had dealt with as a senator: world hunger, nuclear proliferation and education. |