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| Why the Fight Over Abortion Is Unrelenting | Why the Fight Over Abortion Is Unrelenting |
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| In her classic 1984 study, “Abortion and the Politics of Motherhood,” the sociologist Kristin Luker addressed the fundamental question posed by the medical termination of a pregnancy: | In her classic 1984 study, “Abortion and the Politics of Motherhood,” the sociologist Kristin Luker addressed the fundamental question posed by the medical termination of a pregnancy: |
| Why is the debate so bitter, so emotional? Part of the answer is very simple: the two sides share almost no common premises and very little common language. | Why is the debate so bitter, so emotional? Part of the answer is very simple: the two sides share almost no common premises and very little common language. |
| Luker elaborated further: | Luker elaborated further: |
| Those who oppose abortion usually begin by stipulating that since the embryo is an unborn child, abortion is morally equivalent to murder. But for those who accept abortion, this initial stipulation is exactly what is problematic; from their point of view, the embryo has the capacity to become a child but it is not a child yet, and therefore belongs to a very different moral category. | Those who oppose abortion usually begin by stipulating that since the embryo is an unborn child, abortion is morally equivalent to murder. But for those who accept abortion, this initial stipulation is exactly what is problematic; from their point of view, the embryo has the capacity to become a child but it is not a child yet, and therefore belongs to a very different moral category. |
| Over the years, the abortion debate has become a linchpin in the political battle between Democrats and Republicans, mobilizing Christian evangelicals on the right and supporters of the women’s movement on the left. | Over the years, the abortion debate has become a linchpin in the political battle between Democrats and Republicans, mobilizing Christian evangelicals on the right and supporters of the women’s movement on the left. |
| Why has the abortion issue had such staying power, compared, for example, with the steady liberalization of views on homosexuality and interracial marriage? | Why has the abortion issue had such staying power, compared, for example, with the steady liberalization of views on homosexuality and interracial marriage? |
| Part of the reason for this is that the abortion issue taps into competing, deep-rooted views on the role of men and women in society. The sexual revolution and the radical transformation of the work and personal lives of women after the introduction of the contraceptive pill in the early 1960s — and the guarantee of women’s reproductive rights by the Supreme Court decisions Griswold v. Connecticut in 1965 and Roe v. Wade in 1973 — brought these antithetical beliefs about abortion to the fore. | Part of the reason for this is that the abortion issue taps into competing, deep-rooted views on the role of men and women in society. The sexual revolution and the radical transformation of the work and personal lives of women after the introduction of the contraceptive pill in the early 1960s — and the guarantee of women’s reproductive rights by the Supreme Court decisions Griswold v. Connecticut in 1965 and Roe v. Wade in 1973 — brought these antithetical beliefs about abortion to the fore. |
| President Trump’s appointment of two conservative justices to the Supreme Court, Neil Gorsuch and Brett Kavanaugh, opened the anti-abortion floodgates this year. Republican legislatures in eight states — Alabama, Mississippi, Missouri, Ohio, Georgia, Arkansas, Kentucky and Utah — have enacted stringent anti-abortion legislation, gambling that the five-member conservative bloc on the court will weaken or overturn Roe — or, if that strategy fails, that anti-abortion supporters will be galvanized for the 2020 election. | President Trump’s appointment of two conservative justices to the Supreme Court, Neil Gorsuch and Brett Kavanaugh, opened the anti-abortion floodgates this year. Republican legislatures in eight states — Alabama, Mississippi, Missouri, Ohio, Georgia, Arkansas, Kentucky and Utah — have enacted stringent anti-abortion legislation, gambling that the five-member conservative bloc on the court will weaken or overturn Roe — or, if that strategy fails, that anti-abortion supporters will be galvanized for the 2020 election. |
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| Over the 46 years since Roe was decided, the constituencies on both sides of this issue have changed radically, and the debate has become increasingly complex and increasingly politicized. | Over the 46 years since Roe was decided, the constituencies on both sides of this issue have changed radically, and the debate has become increasingly complex and increasingly politicized. |
| In the last decade, support for unrestricted abortion rights has grown from 21 percent to 29 percent, while the percentage backing a complete ban has fallen from 21 percent to 18 percent, according to Gallup. | |
| From 1975 to 1988, the views of Democrats and Republicans on abortion were virtually identical, again according to Gallup, when 18 percent to 21 percent of voters in both parties agreed that abortions should be allowed “under any circumstances.” Since 1988, the parties have diverged: by 2018, 46 percent of Democrats, but only 11 percent of Republicans, said abortion should be “available under any circumstances.” | |
| Contemporary polling shows that there are a number of contradictions in the public view of abortion. In some respects, majority opinion is supportive of abortion rights, in others it is opposed. | Contemporary polling shows that there are a number of contradictions in the public view of abortion. In some respects, majority opinion is supportive of abortion rights, in others it is opposed. |
| For example, on the abortion rights side, last year Gallup found that a clear majority — 64-28 — opposed overturning Roe v Wade. By 60-34, the public believed abortion should be legal during the first three months of pregnancy. | For example, on the abortion rights side, last year Gallup found that a clear majority — 64-28 — opposed overturning Roe v Wade. By 60-34, the public believed abortion should be legal during the first three months of pregnancy. |
| In further support of abortion rights, overwhelming majorities in 2018 supported abortion during the first trimester if the mother’s life was endangered (83-15); when the pregnancy was the result of rape or incest (77-21); and by slightly smaller majorities when “the child would be born mentally disabled” (56-41) or “with a life-threatening illness” (67-31). | In further support of abortion rights, overwhelming majorities in 2018 supported abortion during the first trimester if the mother’s life was endangered (83-15); when the pregnancy was the result of rape or incest (77-21); and by slightly smaller majorities when “the child would be born mentally disabled” (56-41) or “with a life-threatening illness” (67-31). |
| On the anti-abortion side, Gallup found that majorities opposed abortion in the second trimester (65-28) and by a larger margin in the third trimester (81-13). The public continued to support abortion in the third trimester when the life of the mother was in danger (72-22), but was much more lukewarm toward third-trimester abortions when the pregnancy resulted from incest or rape, supporting the procedure 52-42. | |
| In addition, in 2018, the public opposed third-trimester abortions when the child would be born with a mental disability (61-35) and split (48-49) on third-trimester abortions if the child would be born with a life-threatening illness. | In addition, in 2018, the public opposed third-trimester abortions when the child would be born with a mental disability (61-35) and split (48-49) on third-trimester abortions if the child would be born with a life-threatening illness. |
| The states in the process of restricting abortion are either seeking to prohibit it after a set number of weeks, ranging from six to 20 depending on the state; or to prohibit abortion after a heartbeat can be detected (roughly six weeks); or, in the case of Alabama, to ban all abortions except those to save the life of the mother. | The states in the process of restricting abortion are either seeking to prohibit it after a set number of weeks, ranging from six to 20 depending on the state; or to prohibit abortion after a heartbeat can be detected (roughly six weeks); or, in the case of Alabama, to ban all abortions except those to save the life of the mother. |
| The abortion debate is a key element in the larger division of opinion in America about the sexual revolution, pitting those who believe that sexual autonomy is crucial to the achievement of gender equality against those who, in the words of the Southern Baptist Convention, | The abortion debate is a key element in the larger division of opinion in America about the sexual revolution, pitting those who believe that sexual autonomy is crucial to the achievement of gender equality against those who, in the words of the Southern Baptist Convention, |
| honor the rich and valuable contributions of full-time wives and mothers who through their service and self-sacrifice have strengthened their families, enriched our nation and pleased our God by honoring his purposes in their lives each day. | |
| Leaders of the anti-abortion movement are explicit in placing blame on the sexual revolution for what they see as the larger corruption of the social order, the demand for women’s autonomy and for abortion. | Leaders of the anti-abortion movement are explicit in placing blame on the sexual revolution for what they see as the larger corruption of the social order, the demand for women’s autonomy and for abortion. |
| “The abortion license has helped to erode the moral foundations of the American civic community,” wrote 39 prominent opponents of abortion in a famous 1996 declaration, “The America We Seek: A Statement of Pro-Life Principle and Concern.” | |
| How do its opponents believe abortion has undermined the American moral character? According to the statement, | How do its opponents believe abortion has undermined the American moral character? According to the statement, |
| The abortion license is inextricably bound up with the mores of the sexual revolution. Promotion of the pro-life cause also requires us to support and work with those who are seeking to re-establish the moral linkage between sexual expression and marriage, and between marriage and procreation. We believe that a renewal of American democracy as a virtuous society requires us to honor and promote an ethic of self-command and mutual responsibility, and to resist the siren song of the false ethic of unbridled self-expression. | |
| Liberal proponents of women’s rights have, in turn, countered this idea with a set of arguments about the real stakes in the argument over abortion. As Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York formulated it recently: | Liberal proponents of women’s rights have, in turn, countered this idea with a set of arguments about the real stakes in the argument over abortion. As Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York formulated it recently: |
| Abortion bans aren’t just about controlling women’s bodies. | Abortion bans aren’t just about controlling women’s bodies. |
| They’re about controlling women’s sexuality. Owning women. | They’re about controlling women’s sexuality. Owning women. |
| From limiting birth control to banning comprehensive sex ed, U.S. religious fundamentalists are working hard to outlaw sex that falls outside their theology. | |
| Robert Kurzban, a co-author of “The Hidden Agenda of the Political Mind,” argued in an email that abortion opponents want to “impose a cost on those having sex without wanting to reproduce.” | Robert Kurzban, a co-author of “The Hidden Agenda of the Political Mind,” argued in an email that abortion opponents want to “impose a cost on those having sex without wanting to reproduce.” |
| The underlying rationale for this, Kurzban contended, is that | The underlying rationale for this, Kurzban contended, is that |
| people who are in long-term committed relationships are threatened by extramarital relationships and they in fact want to impose this cost on others. | people who are in long-term committed relationships are threatened by extramarital relationships and they in fact want to impose this cost on others. |
| On the opposite side, according to Kurzban, are | On the opposite side, according to Kurzban, are |
| those who want to control their reproduction carefully while still having sex, who stand to benefit from the availability of abortion and related services. They want to avoid this cost; abortion restrictions make their lifestyle more difficult. | those who want to control their reproduction carefully while still having sex, who stand to benefit from the availability of abortion and related services. They want to avoid this cost; abortion restrictions make their lifestyle more difficult. |
| Kurzban’s argument is based on the premise that | Kurzban’s argument is based on the premise that |
| “morality” — judgments about which acts are wrong and which are not — is best understood strategically, a means by which one can try to prevent others from doing things that are (often in aggregate) bad for oneself. | “morality” — judgments about which acts are wrong and which are not — is best understood strategically, a means by which one can try to prevent others from doing things that are (often in aggregate) bad for oneself. |
| Put another way, “ideology is just the narrative used to sell the strategy that is in one’s interests.” | Put another way, “ideology is just the narrative used to sell the strategy that is in one’s interests.” |
| Sarah B. Hrdy, professor emerita of anthropology at the University of California, Davis, and the author of “Mother Nature: Maternal Instincts and How They Shape the Human Species,” wrote in reply to my inquiry that the issues touched on in the abortion debate run deep: | |
| Nature provides myriad examples of species where males attempt to control who females mate with and when. Among primates, male coercion of females has evolved many times and is expressed in many different ways. | Nature provides myriad examples of species where males attempt to control who females mate with and when. Among primates, male coercion of females has evolved many times and is expressed in many different ways. |
| Over the course of human history, Hrdy continued, | Over the course of human history, Hrdy continued, |
| some of these ancient impulses have become enshrined in patriarchal ideologies. This helps explain why the most extreme efforts to curtail female reproductive autonomy today are primarily funded by groups linked to Catholic, Orthodox Jewish, Islamic and other belief systems with deep patriarchal roots. | some of these ancient impulses have become enshrined in patriarchal ideologies. This helps explain why the most extreme efforts to curtail female reproductive autonomy today are primarily funded by groups linked to Catholic, Orthodox Jewish, Islamic and other belief systems with deep patriarchal roots. |
| If, as Hrdy argues, anti-abortion legislation is part of the male “attempt to control who females mate with and when,” why are roughly equal numbers of men and women opposed to abortion? Her answer: | If, as Hrdy argues, anti-abortion legislation is part of the male “attempt to control who females mate with and when,” why are roughly equal numbers of men and women opposed to abortion? Her answer: |
| From Ancient Greece, Ching dynasty China, Victorian England to the American South, the trick has been to convince women that conforming to patriarchal ideals, being chaste, or modest, veiling one’s face, whatever, are in her interests in terms of her security, marriageability, and especially in the interest of her children, particularly sons. When the social status of their families and especially that of their offspring, depends on their “virtue,” women have an obvious stake in complying as well as in advertising their compliance. Supporting the “right” political candidates can be just one more way of doing that. | |
| According to many of the scholars whose views I solicited, the sexual revolution and the simultaneous entry of women into the work force have prompted two conflicting reactions. | According to many of the scholars whose views I solicited, the sexual revolution and the simultaneous entry of women into the work force have prompted two conflicting reactions. |
| Martie Haselton, a professor of psychology at U.C.L.A., and David Pinsof, a graduate student there, together argue that “the debate boils down to attitudes about promiscuity.” | Martie Haselton, a professor of psychology at U.C.L.A., and David Pinsof, a graduate student there, together argue that “the debate boils down to attitudes about promiscuity.” |
| Picking up the same theme as Kurzban, Haselton and Pinsof found in their research that | |
| the people who are most likely to oppose abortion are those that 1) believe that abortion promotes promiscuity, and 2) pursue a more restrictive mating strategy. These results show that self-interest, when construed in evolutionary psychological terms, plays a powerful role in predicting people’s attitudes toward abortion. | the people who are most likely to oppose abortion are those that 1) believe that abortion promotes promiscuity, and 2) pursue a more restrictive mating strategy. These results show that self-interest, when construed in evolutionary psychological terms, plays a powerful role in predicting people’s attitudes toward abortion. |
| In the case of “sexually conservative individuals,” they write, | In the case of “sexually conservative individuals,” they write, |
| laws that would seem to permit or endorse promiscuity are a fundamental threat. For example, one could invest decades of effort in reproducing within a committed family structure to have it undermined by a single promiscuous interloper: Men could be deceived into investing in another man’s offspring; women could be abandoned with multiple children and limited resources. | laws that would seem to permit or endorse promiscuity are a fundamental threat. For example, one could invest decades of effort in reproducing within a committed family structure to have it undermined by a single promiscuous interloper: Men could be deceived into investing in another man’s offspring; women could be abandoned with multiple children and limited resources. |
| David Buss, a professor of psychology at the University of Texas, argues that “attitudes toward abortion are linked to a key issue: sexual morality.” | David Buss, a professor of psychology at the University of Texas, argues that “attitudes toward abortion are linked to a key issue: sexual morality.” |
| One constituency, which Buss described in an email as “politically conservative and high on religiosity,” adamantly “abhors short-term mating, casual sex, promiscuity, etc.” For this group, “moral condemnation of promiscuity in others has a long and deep history.” | One constituency, which Buss described in an email as “politically conservative and high on religiosity,” adamantly “abhors short-term mating, casual sex, promiscuity, etc.” For this group, “moral condemnation of promiscuity in others has a long and deep history.” |
| These particular conservatives, in Buss’s view, see abortion and other ruptures with traditional sexual morality as a threat to their own commitment to a lifelong faithful marriage. According to Buss, they recognize that men | These particular conservatives, in Buss’s view, see abortion and other ruptures with traditional sexual morality as a threat to their own commitment to a lifelong faithful marriage. According to Buss, they recognize that men |
| become less willing to commit to one woman to the degree that there exist women in the mating pool who are willing to engage in casual sex with them. So allowing women to have abortions may be viewed by women and men alike as tantamount to endorsing a promiscuous mating strategy. | become less willing to commit to one woman to the degree that there exist women in the mating pool who are willing to engage in casual sex with them. So allowing women to have abortions may be viewed by women and men alike as tantamount to endorsing a promiscuous mating strategy. |
| In his response to my inquiry, Steven Pinker, a professor of psychology at Harvard, focused primarily on why men would be particularly concerned about any practice that would increase the sexual autonomy of women: | In his response to my inquiry, Steven Pinker, a professor of psychology at Harvard, focused primarily on why men would be particularly concerned about any practice that would increase the sexual autonomy of women: |
| Restricting abortion is an example of men’s restrictions on women’s reproductive capacity, which has taken many forms in various cultures and historical periods: chaperones, veils, wigs, burqas, niqabs, chadors, segregation by sex, confinement, foot-binding, genital mutilation, chastity belts, restrictions on birth control, double standards for adultery, violent sexual jealousy and laws and customs that make a woman the property of her husband. | |
| The evolutionary explanation, Pinker wrote, “is straightforward. Humans are unusual among mammals in that men invest in their children, feeding, protecting and teaching them.” As a result, | |
| a father who invests in his children will have more successful children, which favors any genes that tilt a man toward investing in his children. But of course that only works if they are his children. Evolutionarily speaking, cuckoldry is the worst thing that can happen to a man, because his investment would be wasted in protecting another man’s genes. | a father who invests in his children will have more successful children, which favors any genes that tilt a man toward investing in his children. But of course that only works if they are his children. Evolutionarily speaking, cuckoldry is the worst thing that can happen to a man, because his investment would be wasted in protecting another man’s genes. |
| Men, in Pinker’s analysis, | Men, in Pinker’s analysis, |
| seek to control the sexuality, and more generally, the reproductive capacity, of their wives and girlfriends (and for that matter their unmarried daughters, preserving their value in the arranged marriage market). Contraception and abortion, even though they are modern inventions, may press these emotional buttons. | seek to control the sexuality, and more generally, the reproductive capacity, of their wives and girlfriends (and for that matter their unmarried daughters, preserving their value in the arranged marriage market). Contraception and abortion, even though they are modern inventions, may press these emotional buttons. |
| Pinker stressed that these calculations are not conscious: | Pinker stressed that these calculations are not conscious: |
| the actual thoughts and emotions running through people’s brains are not about babies, cuckoldry, genes, investment or any of the concepts that enter into the ultimate, long-term, evolutionary explanation of people’s motives. | |
| The men who are pressing to make abortion illegal, some of whom would ban contraception as well, are not only, as Pinker says, unaware of the evolutionary forces motivating them, they appear to be in many respects ignorant of the havoc they would create if they are successful in their efforts. | The men who are pressing to make abortion illegal, some of whom would ban contraception as well, are not only, as Pinker says, unaware of the evolutionary forces motivating them, they appear to be in many respects ignorant of the havoc they would create if they are successful in their efforts. |
| In a sign of the hypocrisy that surrounds this issue, this would be an inconvenience to many Southern Baptist preachers and church volunteers, 380 of whom have been “accused of sexual abuse and misconduct over the past 20 years,” according to investigations by The Houston Chronicle and The San Antonio Express-News. | |
| Conservatives argue that abortion and contraception have undermined family, paternal responsibility and long-term commitment and that | Conservatives argue that abortion and contraception have undermined family, paternal responsibility and long-term commitment and that |
| Abortion on demand has given an excuse to men who shirk their responsibilities, claiming that the child they helped to conceive ought to have been aborted, or that the woman who declined to abort may not impose on him any responsibility for her “lifestyle choice.” | |
| In some respects, the conservative analysis has some truth to it. In a 2009 paper “Social Change: The Sexual Revolution,” Jeremy Greenwood and Nezih Guner, economists at the University of Pennsylvania and the University of Barcelona, described “the rocket-like rise in premarital sex that occurred over the last century.” | In some respects, the conservative analysis has some truth to it. In a 2009 paper “Social Change: The Sexual Revolution,” Jeremy Greenwood and Nezih Guner, economists at the University of Pennsylvania and the University of Barcelona, described “the rocket-like rise in premarital sex that occurred over the last century.” |
| Greenwood and Guner attribute this to | Greenwood and Guner attribute this to |
| the dramatic decline in the expected cost of premarital sex, due to technological improvement in contraceptives and their increased availability. | the dramatic decline in the expected cost of premarital sex, due to technological improvement in contraceptives and their increased availability. |
| George Akerlof, the Nobel Prize-winning economist and Janet Yellen, a former chairman of the Federal Reserve, who are married, write interestingly on this same subject in “An Analysis of Out-of-Wedlock Childbearing in the United States.” | George Akerlof, the Nobel Prize-winning economist and Janet Yellen, a former chairman of the Federal Reserve, who are married, write interestingly on this same subject in “An Analysis of Out-of-Wedlock Childbearing in the United States.” |
| “This paper,” the authors write, | “This paper,” the authors write, |
| relates the erosion of the custom of shotgun marriage to the legalization of abortion and the increased availability of contraception to unmarried women in the United States. The decline in shotgun marriage accounts for a significant fraction of the increase in out-of-wedlock first births. | relates the erosion of the custom of shotgun marriage to the legalization of abortion and the increased availability of contraception to unmarried women in the United States. The decline in shotgun marriage accounts for a significant fraction of the increase in out-of-wedlock first births. |
| The anti-abortion conservatives proclaim that their goal, as enunciated in the “Statement of Pro-Life Principle” I mentioned above, is | |
| an America that is open, hospitable and caring, a community of civic friendship in which neighbors reach out to assist neighbors in distress. | |
| A problem with conservative thinking on this issue is that once the sexual and women’s rights revolutions were unleashed, there was no way women (or men, for that matter) were going to peacefully relinquish the sexual and other freedoms they had gained. | A problem with conservative thinking on this issue is that once the sexual and women’s rights revolutions were unleashed, there was no way women (or men, for that matter) were going to peacefully relinquish the sexual and other freedoms they had gained. |
| Abortion and contraception also perform a crucial safety-net function, preventing the “rocket-like” increase in sexual activity from producing even more unwanted children. If the social conservative agenda were to win out, the most likely outcome would be a surge in unwanted children — along with the costs those children bear — according to David A. Grimes, a former chief of the abortion surveillance branch at the Centers for Disease Control. The Turnaway Study at the University of California, San Francisco, confirms the likelihood of this outcome: The numbers of hard-pressed single mothers would grow, and there would be a revival of the illegal abortion industry. | |
| In effect, conservatives are trying to ban the reproductive practices that were crucial in enabling the sexual and women’s rights revolutions. What they would achieve instead is a world where these revolutions continued to dominate, but without the tools to limit the costs in unwed motherhood, absent fathers and the spread of female poverty. | In effect, conservatives are trying to ban the reproductive practices that were crucial in enabling the sexual and women’s rights revolutions. What they would achieve instead is a world where these revolutions continued to dominate, but without the tools to limit the costs in unwed motherhood, absent fathers and the spread of female poverty. |
| This is hardly an America that is open, hospitable and caring. | This is hardly an America that is open, hospitable and caring. |
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