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Where Segregation Persists, Trouble Persists Integration vs. White Intransigence
(about 5 hours later)
The revival of the argument over school busing illuminates a continuing predicament for Democrats and proponents of racial equality.The revival of the argument over school busing illuminates a continuing predicament for Democrats and proponents of racial equality.
Integration works, but how do we get it to fly in the face of white intransigence?Integration works, but how do we get it to fly in the face of white intransigence?
There is a large body of evidence that shows that African-American children perform better when they move out of high-poverty areas into more middle class, less segregated neighborhoods. Academic achievement improves, college completion rates go up, arrests go down, unwed parenthood declines and employment rates go up, with better pay.There is a large body of evidence that shows that African-American children perform better when they move out of high-poverty areas into more middle class, less segregated neighborhoods. Academic achievement improves, college completion rates go up, arrests go down, unwed parenthood declines and employment rates go up, with better pay.
Generations of scholars have recognized the particularly cruel effects of segregation and concentrated poverty.Generations of scholars have recognized the particularly cruel effects of segregation and concentrated poverty.
In a 2017 paper, “Neighborhood and the Intergenerational Transmission of Poverty,” Lincoln Quillian, a professor of sociology at Northwestern University, wrote:In a 2017 paper, “Neighborhood and the Intergenerational Transmission of Poverty,” Lincoln Quillian, a professor of sociology at Northwestern University, wrote:
Because poor neighborhoods are disproportionately populated by African Americans, Latinos and low-income individuals, the effects of poor neighborhood environments tend to compound existing forms of individual disadvantage.Because poor neighborhoods are disproportionately populated by African Americans, Latinos and low-income individuals, the effects of poor neighborhood environments tend to compound existing forms of individual disadvantage.
Quillian went on to point out that “Neighborhood poverty is an especially important factor contributing to racial inequality and intergenerational poverty.”Quillian went on to point out that “Neighborhood poverty is an especially important factor contributing to racial inequality and intergenerational poverty.”
In other words, high-poverty, hyper-segregated neighborhoods are toxic, driving the African-American children stuck in them into the kind of behavior that affects the perception of African-American life more generally, which has in turn been shown to reinforce negative stereotypes.In other words, high-poverty, hyper-segregated neighborhoods are toxic, driving the African-American children stuck in them into the kind of behavior that affects the perception of African-American life more generally, which has in turn been shown to reinforce negative stereotypes.
“Exposure to neighborhood violence, incarceration, and lead combine to independently predict poor black boys’ later incarceration as adults and lower income rank relative to their parents, and poor black girls’ teenage motherhood,” Robert Manduca and Robert J. Sampson, both sociologists at Harvard, write in a paper that was published in April, “Punishing and toxic neighborhood environments independently predict the intergenerational social mobility of black and white children.”“Exposure to neighborhood violence, incarceration, and lead combine to independently predict poor black boys’ later incarceration as adults and lower income rank relative to their parents, and poor black girls’ teenage motherhood,” Robert Manduca and Robert J. Sampson, both sociologists at Harvard, write in a paper that was published in April, “Punishing and toxic neighborhood environments independently predict the intergenerational social mobility of black and white children.”
The accumulation of toxicity like this also produces an adverse political result: when liberal legislators seek to enact bills and programs designed to increase integration in housing and schools, they run into a buzz saw of white opposition.The accumulation of toxicity like this also produces an adverse political result: when liberal legislators seek to enact bills and programs designed to increase integration in housing and schools, they run into a buzz saw of white opposition.
The opposition is based in part on racism, but it is also driven by the problems of high-poverty neighborhoods and the schools in these beleaguered communities.The opposition is based in part on racism, but it is also driven by the problems of high-poverty neighborhoods and the schools in these beleaguered communities.
In other words, the very conditions liberals seek to ameliorate function to build opposition to programs that could improve those conditions.In other words, the very conditions liberals seek to ameliorate function to build opposition to programs that could improve those conditions.
I asked Douglas Massey, a professor of sociology and public policy at Princeton, about the difficulties facing proponents of increased integration.I asked Douglas Massey, a professor of sociology and public policy at Princeton, about the difficulties facing proponents of increased integration.
Massey, who has written that “residential segregation constitutes the ‘structural linchpin’ of racial stratification in the United States,” described to me in an email the way in which his research suggests segregation can reinforce itself:Massey, who has written that “residential segregation constitutes the ‘structural linchpin’ of racial stratification in the United States,” described to me in an email the way in which his research suggests segregation can reinforce itself:
Research shows that whites substantially overestimate crime rates in communities that contain blacks, and that even controlling for crime rates, school quality, and home values, whites grow progressively less likely to purchase a home in a neighborhood as the percentage of blacks rises. These sentiments both cause, and are caused by, segregation as both conscious and unconscious racism structures the social cognition of Americans, and because basic institutions such as criminal justice, real estate, land use regulation, banking, insurance, and labor markets are highly racialized.Research shows that whites substantially overestimate crime rates in communities that contain blacks, and that even controlling for crime rates, school quality, and home values, whites grow progressively less likely to purchase a home in a neighborhood as the percentage of blacks rises. These sentiments both cause, and are caused by, segregation as both conscious and unconscious racism structures the social cognition of Americans, and because basic institutions such as criminal justice, real estate, land use regulation, banking, insurance, and labor markets are highly racialized.
Once a large black population is highly segregated in an urban setting, Massey continued, “it becomes very difficult to move toward integration because segregation perpetuates the neighborhood conditions that sustain the negative stereotypes.”Once a large black population is highly segregated in an urban setting, Massey continued, “it becomes very difficult to move toward integration because segregation perpetuates the neighborhood conditions that sustain the negative stereotypes.”
Housing segregation, according to Massey’s analysis,Housing segregation, according to Massey’s analysis,
ultimately derives from the persistence of anti-black racism and the more recent rise in anti-Hispanic prejudice. These sentiments are bound up with persistent negative stereotypes about crime, sexuality, and intelligence.ultimately derives from the persistence of anti-black racism and the more recent rise in anti-Hispanic prejudice. These sentiments are bound up with persistent negative stereotypes about crime, sexuality, and intelligence.
Most whites, Massey wrote,Most whites, Massey wrote,
no longer support segregation as a matter of principle, but they are still made uneasy by the presence of very many blacks (and to a lesser degree Hispanics) in practice, especially in intimate settings such as neighborhoods, schools and families.no longer support segregation as a matter of principle, but they are still made uneasy by the presence of very many blacks (and to a lesser degree Hispanics) in practice, especially in intimate settings such as neighborhoods, schools and families.
There are examples of successfully integrated communities, but they are the exception rather than the rule, Massey said:There are examples of successfully integrated communities, but they are the exception rather than the rule, Massey said:
Places with small, affluent black populations have been able to integrate, but the nation’s largest black urban communities remain stubbornly stuck at high levels of segregation, and about a third of all urban blacks live under conditions of hyper-segregation.Places with small, affluent black populations have been able to integrate, but the nation’s largest black urban communities remain stubbornly stuck at high levels of segregation, and about a third of all urban blacks live under conditions of hyper-segregation.
Scholars are continuing to make an effort to understand the motivations of white Americans.Scholars are continuing to make an effort to understand the motivations of white Americans.
Ann Owens, a sociologist at the University of Southern California who has written extensively on the subjects of race, income and neighborhoods, replied to my inquiry:Ann Owens, a sociologist at the University of Southern California who has written extensively on the subjects of race, income and neighborhoods, replied to my inquiry:
I think separating out racism from fears of losing advantages is difficult. Many parents voice support for integration in the abstract, but then of course we see protests and pushback when their own child, or other stakes, like property values, might be affected. Few parents articulate that school racial composition is what they make schooling decisions on, but studies show that once you control for all the other things parents might say race is a proxy for — class, test scores, resources, etc. — white parents still prefer schools serving fewer black or Hispanic kids.I think separating out racism from fears of losing advantages is difficult. Many parents voice support for integration in the abstract, but then of course we see protests and pushback when their own child, or other stakes, like property values, might be affected. Few parents articulate that school racial composition is what they make schooling decisions on, but studies show that once you control for all the other things parents might say race is a proxy for — class, test scores, resources, etc. — white parents still prefer schools serving fewer black or Hispanic kids.
In a 2013 paper, “Race and neighborhoods in the 21st century: What does segregation mean today?” Jorge De la Roca, of the University of Southern California, Ingrid Gould Ellen and Katherine M. O’Regan, both at N.Y.U., determined thatIn a 2013 paper, “Race and neighborhoods in the 21st century: What does segregation mean today?” Jorge De la Roca, of the University of Southern California, Ingrid Gould Ellen and Katherine M. O’Regan, both at N.Y.U., determined that
the neighborhood environments of minorities continue to be highly unequal to those enjoyed by whites. Blacks and Hispanics continue to live among more disadvantaged neighbors, to have access to lower performing schools, and to be exposed to more violent crime.the neighborhood environments of minorities continue to be highly unequal to those enjoyed by whites. Blacks and Hispanics continue to live among more disadvantaged neighbors, to have access to lower performing schools, and to be exposed to more violent crime.
These differences, in turn, reinforce both the race prejudice and the stereotypes that drive many whites to oppose government action to achieve integration.These differences, in turn, reinforce both the race prejudice and the stereotypes that drive many whites to oppose government action to achieve integration.
Take neighborhood school proficiency ratings. De la Roca, Ellen and O’Regan found that the average white person lives in a census tract where the nearest elementary school ranks at the 58th percentile in proficiency while the nearest school to the average black person ranks in 37th percentile, “resulting in a 21 percentage point racial gap in proficiency ranking.”Take neighborhood school proficiency ratings. De la Roca, Ellen and O’Regan found that the average white person lives in a census tract where the nearest elementary school ranks at the 58th percentile in proficiency while the nearest school to the average black person ranks in 37th percentile, “resulting in a 21 percentage point racial gap in proficiency ranking.”
Or take crime. De la Roca, Ellen and O’Regan write that the average white person lives in a census tract “with a violent crime rate at the 37th percentile in their city” while the average black person lives in a tract at the 66th percentile. For poor whites, the nearest elementary school has a 50 percent proficiency rating compared with 30.1 percent for poor blacks. The violent crime level in poor white census tracts is in the 55.5th percentile compared with the 74.5 percentile in poor black tracts.Or take crime. De la Roca, Ellen and O’Regan write that the average white person lives in a census tract “with a violent crime rate at the 37th percentile in their city” while the average black person lives in a tract at the 66th percentile. For poor whites, the nearest elementary school has a 50 percent proficiency rating compared with 30.1 percent for poor blacks. The violent crime level in poor white census tracts is in the 55.5th percentile compared with the 74.5 percentile in poor black tracts.
Sean F. Reardon and Joseph Townsend, both of Stanford, and Lindsay Fox, a researcher at Mathematica Policy Research, reached similar conclusions in their 2017 paper, “A Continuous Measure of the Joint Distribution of Race and Income Among Neighborhoods.”Sean F. Reardon and Joseph Townsend, both of Stanford, and Lindsay Fox, a researcher at Mathematica Policy Research, reached similar conclusions in their 2017 paper, “A Continuous Measure of the Joint Distribution of Race and Income Among Neighborhoods.”
The three authors wrote that “at any income level, black and Hispanic families live in much poorer neighborhoods than white and Asian families.” Black households with $60,000 incomes “live in neighborhoods with median incomes similar to those of white households earning roughly $12,000.”The three authors wrote that “at any income level, black and Hispanic families live in much poorer neighborhoods than white and Asian families.” Black households with $60,000 incomes “live in neighborhoods with median incomes similar to those of white households earning roughly $12,000.”
In an email, Ingrid Ellen described the geographic pattern of trends in integration and segregation:In an email, Ingrid Ellen described the geographic pattern of trends in integration and segregation:
Black-white segregation has generally fallen more in metro areas with smaller black populations. It has remained highest in metro areas in the Northeast and the Rust belt. Among the 50 metro areas with the largest black populations in 2010, black-white segregation was highest in Detroit, Milwaukee, New York, Newark and Chicago.Black-white segregation has generally fallen more in metro areas with smaller black populations. It has remained highest in metro areas in the Northeast and the Rust belt. Among the 50 metro areas with the largest black populations in 2010, black-white segregation was highest in Detroit, Milwaukee, New York, Newark and Chicago.
Pete Saunders, an urban planner based in the Chicago suburbs, wrote me by email that “areas where African-Americans move into are often seeing a replication of the white flight resegregation patterns associated with big cities 30-40 years ago.”Pete Saunders, an urban planner based in the Chicago suburbs, wrote me by email that “areas where African-Americans move into are often seeing a replication of the white flight resegregation patterns associated with big cities 30-40 years ago.”
Saunders provided data describing how the 36 suburban jurisdictions of South Cook County, Illinois, changed as these jurisdictions went from 10.7 percent black in 1970 to 55.4 percent black in 2017.Saunders provided data describing how the 36 suburban jurisdictions of South Cook County, Illinois, changed as these jurisdictions went from 10.7 percent black in 1970 to 55.4 percent black in 2017.
In some South Cook jurisdictions, the black population grew exponentially from 1970 to 2017: Calumet City, from 0.0 in 1970 to 67.5 percent in 2017; Country Club Hills, from 0.1 to 69.2 percent; Dolton, from 0.2 to 91.1 percent; and Riverdale, from 0.1 to 94.3 percent.In some South Cook jurisdictions, the black population grew exponentially from 1970 to 2017: Calumet City, from 0.0 in 1970 to 67.5 percent in 2017; Country Club Hills, from 0.1 to 69.2 percent; Dolton, from 0.2 to 91.1 percent; and Riverdale, from 0.1 to 94.3 percent.
As the black share of South Cook’s population rose, the area began to fall sharply behind Chicago and other suburbs of the city.As the black share of South Cook’s population rose, the area began to fall sharply behind Chicago and other suburbs of the city.
Median family income in 2017 dollars fell by 26.1 percent in South Cook from $69,478 in 1980 to $51,346 in 2017, while income rose in Chicago by 15.3 percent, from $45,517 to $52,497.Median family income in 2017 dollars fell by 26.1 percent in South Cook from $69,478 in 1980 to $51,346 in 2017, while income rose in Chicago by 15.3 percent, from $45,517 to $52,497.
Median home values fell steeply in South Cook, from roughly $151,903 in 2000 to $116,778 in 2017, while values in Chicago rose over the same period, from $188,466 to $255,900 (all in 2017 dollars).Median home values fell steeply in South Cook, from roughly $151,903 in 2000 to $116,778 in 2017, while values in Chicago rose over the same period, from $188,466 to $255,900 (all in 2017 dollars).
And if that were not enough, as the black share of the population has risen in South Cook, the number of manufacturing facilities and the number of jobs they provided have shrunk.And if that were not enough, as the black share of the population has risen in South Cook, the number of manufacturing facilities and the number of jobs they provided have shrunk.
A 2018 Cook County report on its southern communities, “South Suburban Economic Growth Initiative,” found thatA 2018 Cook County report on its southern communities, “South Suburban Economic Growth Initiative,” found that
Coupled with industrial decline, the out-migration of middle-class families eroded many municipalities’ tax bases. Both slow growth in the property tax base and outflow of household wealth exacerbated the effects of economic decline and created a diminishing tax-value proposition, as many municipalities struggled to provide the same level of services.Coupled with industrial decline, the out-migration of middle-class families eroded many municipalities’ tax bases. Both slow growth in the property tax base and outflow of household wealth exacerbated the effects of economic decline and created a diminishing tax-value proposition, as many municipalities struggled to provide the same level of services.
In this network of suburban communities, the report found disastrous erosion of the region’s resources:In this network of suburban communities, the report found disastrous erosion of the region’s resources:
Municipalities are challenged by small, slow-growth tax bases, limiting their capacity to generate revenue and making it difficult to maintain quality public services (e.g., schools, safety, etc.) and infrastructure, let alone upgrade facilities and programming, or make new investments.Municipalities are challenged by small, slow-growth tax bases, limiting their capacity to generate revenue and making it difficult to maintain quality public services (e.g., schools, safety, etc.) and infrastructure, let alone upgrade facilities and programming, or make new investments.
In fact, the problem is worse than that. As more affluent families move out of South Cook, local tax burdens are growing so fast that the composite property tax rate (municipality, school, park district, etc.) in these suburbs, just under 20 percent, is almost triple the average property tax rate for the city of Chicago.In fact, the problem is worse than that. As more affluent families move out of South Cook, local tax burdens are growing so fast that the composite property tax rate (municipality, school, park district, etc.) in these suburbs, just under 20 percent, is almost triple the average property tax rate for the city of Chicago.
Developments in South Cook County amount to a vicious circle: The ten South Cook jurisdictions with the highest tax rates are overwhelmingly black at 82 percent, while the ten with the lowest composite rates are 28.2 percent black.Developments in South Cook County amount to a vicious circle: The ten South Cook jurisdictions with the highest tax rates are overwhelmingly black at 82 percent, while the ten with the lowest composite rates are 28.2 percent black.
A separate study, “School Segregation, Educational Attainment and Crime: Evidence from the End of Busing in Charlotte-Mecklenburg,” looked at the impact of busing from the opposite direction: what happens to students when busing to achieve racial integration is halted.A separate study, “School Segregation, Educational Attainment and Crime: Evidence from the End of Busing in Charlotte-Mecklenburg,” looked at the impact of busing from the opposite direction: what happens to students when busing to achieve racial integration is halted.
The three authors, Stephen B. Billings, David J. Deming and Jonah E. Rockoff of the University of Colorado, Harvard and Columbia, examined measures of student performance after 2002 as court-ordered busing in the North Carolina jurisdiction was stopped when a federal judge ordered the abandonment of “race-based” school assignments.The three authors, Stephen B. Billings, David J. Deming and Jonah E. Rockoff of the University of Colorado, Harvard and Columbia, examined measures of student performance after 2002 as court-ordered busing in the North Carolina jurisdiction was stopped when a federal judge ordered the abandonment of “race-based” school assignments.
The effect of the return to a more segregated system was negative. The authors found “that the end of busing widened racial inequality, despite efforts by Charlotte-Mecklenburg schools to mitigate the impact of increases in segregation.”The effect of the return to a more segregated system was negative. The authors found “that the end of busing widened racial inequality, despite efforts by Charlotte-Mecklenburg schools to mitigate the impact of increases in segregation.”
The authors continued:The authors continued:
Both white and minority students score lower on high school exams when they are assigned to schools with more minority students. We also find decreases in high school graduation and four-year college attendance for whites, and large increases in crime for minority males.Both white and minority students score lower on high school exams when they are assigned to schools with more minority students. We also find decreases in high school graduation and four-year college attendance for whites, and large increases in crime for minority males.
Rucker Johnson, a professor of public policy at the University of California-Berkeley, stands out in this debate because he is optimistic.Rucker Johnson, a professor of public policy at the University of California-Berkeley, stands out in this debate because he is optimistic.
Johnson made the case in his recent book — “Children of the Dream: Why School Integration Works — that court-ordered desegregation through busing resulted in major short- and long-term benefits for black students, with whites experiencing little or no harm.Johnson made the case in his recent book — “Children of the Dream: Why School Integration Works — that court-ordered desegregation through busing resulted in major short- and long-term benefits for black students, with whites experiencing little or no harm.
In an email, Johnson wrote:In an email, Johnson wrote:
Integration, when implemented in a holistic fashion, has the power to break the cycle of poverty and can benefit all groups, regardless of race and ethnicity. The longer students are treated for the symptoms of segregated, poorly funded education, and the higher the doses of integration and school funding reform they are administered, the better their outcomes are found to be.Integration, when implemented in a holistic fashion, has the power to break the cycle of poverty and can benefit all groups, regardless of race and ethnicity. The longer students are treated for the symptoms of segregated, poorly funded education, and the higher the doses of integration and school funding reform they are administered, the better their outcomes are found to be.
Conversely, Johnson continued,Conversely, Johnson continued,
our results show that confinement to segregated, poorly funded schools interferes with children’s life chances. Not only that, but children in these schools struggle to develop the ability to empathize with others, and to appreciate the validity of other cultures.our results show that confinement to segregated, poorly funded schools interferes with children’s life chances. Not only that, but children in these schools struggle to develop the ability to empathize with others, and to appreciate the validity of other cultures.
The accompanying charts adapted from Johnson’s book describe the significant improvements among school-age blacks on measures of educational attainment, high school graduation rates, incarceration levels and wages in adulthood. The charts also show that for whites there is little or no adverse impact in shifting from a disproportionately white school to a diverse school.The accompanying charts adapted from Johnson’s book describe the significant improvements among school-age blacks on measures of educational attainment, high school graduation rates, incarceration levels and wages in adulthood. The charts also show that for whites there is little or no adverse impact in shifting from a disproportionately white school to a diverse school.
A substantially different and disturbing picture emerges in “The Significance of Segregation in the 21st Century,” by Ingrid Ellen, Justin P. Steil, a professor of law and urban planning at M.I.T. and Jorge De la Roca, published in City and Community, a journal of the American Sociological Association.A substantially different and disturbing picture emerges in “The Significance of Segregation in the 21st Century,” by Ingrid Ellen, Justin P. Steil, a professor of law and urban planning at M.I.T. and Jorge De la Roca, published in City and Community, a journal of the American Sociological Association.
The three authors suggest that a factor underpinning continued segregation is the possibility that measures of education and employment are highest for whites who live and work in the most segregated communities.The three authors suggest that a factor underpinning continued segregation is the possibility that measures of education and employment are highest for whites who live and work in the most segregated communities.
They write that “it appears that segregation may not only undermine outcomes for minority groups but also enhance them for whites.”They write that “it appears that segregation may not only undermine outcomes for minority groups but also enhance them for whites.”
The authors note thatThe authors note that
the associations between segregation and wider racial gaps for both groups (blacks and Latinos) are large, robust to other specifications, and if anything, have increased over time. Interestingly, it appears that these increases are driven by a growing association between segregation and positive outcomes for whites.the associations between segregation and wider racial gaps for both groups (blacks and Latinos) are large, robust to other specifications, and if anything, have increased over time. Interestingly, it appears that these increases are driven by a growing association between segregation and positive outcomes for whites.
The authors go on. “In 1990, black–white segregation appears to be largely unrelated to outcomes for young white adults,” but “by 2010, black–white segregation is positively associated with the probability that a white resident has graduated from college, is not idle and works in a professional occupation.”The authors go on. “In 1990, black–white segregation appears to be largely unrelated to outcomes for young white adults,” but “by 2010, black–white segregation is positively associated with the probability that a white resident has graduated from college, is not idle and works in a professional occupation.”
I asked a number of those I contacted, all of whom support integration, whether they were optimistic about the prospects of school and community integration. The answers varied:I asked a number of those I contacted, all of whom support integration, whether they were optimistic about the prospects of school and community integration. The answers varied:
Rucker Johnson of Berkeley was positive:Rucker Johnson of Berkeley was positive:
I am very hopeful because the research evidence is strong about the path forward, about the lessons we can draw on from past efforts, and there’s a groundswell movement and revival of integration efforts led by current students across the country who are dissatisfied by the segregated environments they are confined to and demanding a response from those adults in positions of power.I am very hopeful because the research evidence is strong about the path forward, about the lessons we can draw on from past efforts, and there’s a groundswell movement and revival of integration efforts led by current students across the country who are dissatisfied by the segregated environments they are confined to and demanding a response from those adults in positions of power.
Douglas Massey of Princeton: “I tend to be on the pessimistic side when it comes to housing segregation.”Douglas Massey of Princeton: “I tend to be on the pessimistic side when it comes to housing segregation.”
Ann Owens of U.S.C.:Ann Owens of U.S.C.:
As far as pessimism/optimism goes, in a world of rising income and other inequalities and a tendency toward policies that emphasize individual choice and responsibility and market-based reforms, integration is not going to just magically happen. It’s certainly possible, but it will take a political will and a public orientation toward the collective that, in my opinion, does not currently exist.As far as pessimism/optimism goes, in a world of rising income and other inequalities and a tendency toward policies that emphasize individual choice and responsibility and market-based reforms, integration is not going to just magically happen. It’s certainly possible, but it will take a political will and a public orientation toward the collective that, in my opinion, does not currently exist.
Ingrid Gould Ellen of N.Y.U.:Ingrid Gould Ellen of N.Y.U.:
Many white households continue to harbor racially based stereotypes about neighborhoods, associating the presence of minority neighbors, and in particular black neighbors, with declining property values, disinvestment and crime. Over time, I’d like to think that these associations are weakening as integration becomes more prevalent.Many white households continue to harbor racially based stereotypes about neighborhoods, associating the presence of minority neighbors, and in particular black neighbors, with declining property values, disinvestment and crime. Over time, I’d like to think that these associations are weakening as integration becomes more prevalent.
Sean Reardon of Stanford:Sean Reardon of Stanford:
Racial intolerance (and outright racism) seems on the rise, and white-black income and wealth disparities remain very large and have not narrowed in decades. So there is little reason to expect much decline in racial segregation in the near future, particularly given the lack of policy interest in addressing it. Economic segregation likewise shows no sign of declining. So I am currently pessimistic, given today’s political and economic winds, but am more hopeful about the long arc of the future, which I think will ultimately bend toward equality and fairness.Racial intolerance (and outright racism) seems on the rise, and white-black income and wealth disparities remain very large and have not narrowed in decades. So there is little reason to expect much decline in racial segregation in the near future, particularly given the lack of policy interest in addressing it. Economic segregation likewise shows no sign of declining. So I am currently pessimistic, given today’s political and economic winds, but am more hopeful about the long arc of the future, which I think will ultimately bend toward equality and fairness.
Might the rancorous, vicious, factious spirit President Trump embodies lead to a reaction against separation and segregation? That is what we have to bet on — and work toward.Might the rancorous, vicious, factious spirit President Trump embodies lead to a reaction against separation and segregation? That is what we have to bet on — and work toward.
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