This article is from the source 'nytimes' and was first published or seen on . It last changed over 40 days ago and won't be checked again for changes.

You can find the current article at its original source at https://www.nytimes.com/2020/03/05/us/politics/elizabeth-warren-drops-out.html

The article has changed 13 times. There is an RSS feed of changes available.

Version 6 Version 7
Elizabeth Warren, Once a Front-Runner, Drops Out of Presidential Race Elizabeth Warren, Once a Front-Runner, Drops Out of Presidential Race
(about 1 hour later)
CAMBRIDGE, Mass. — Senator Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts dropped out of the presidential race on Thursday, ending a run defined by an avalanche of policy plans that aimed to pull the Democratic Party to the left and appealed to enough voters to make her briefly a front-runner last fall. CAMBRIDGE, Mass. — Senator Elizabeth Warren entered the 2020 race with expansive plans to use the federal government to remake American society, pressing to strip power and wealth from a moneyed class that she saw as fundamentally corrupting the country’s economic and political order.
Though her vision excited progressives, it did not generate enough excitement among the party’s working-class and diverse base, and her support had eroded by Super Tuesday. In her final weeks as a candidate she effectively drove former Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg of New York, a centrist billionaire, out of the race with debate performances that flashed her evident skills and political potential. She exited the race on Thursday after her avalanche of progressive policy proposals, which briefly elevated her to front-runner status last fall, failed to attract a broader political coalition in a Democratic Party increasingly, if not singularly, focused on defeating President Trump.
She entered the race railing against the corrosive power of big money, and one long-term consequence of her campaign is that Ms. Warren demonstrated that someone other than Senator Bernie Sanders, and his intensely loyal small-dollar donors, could fund a credible presidential campaign without holding fund-raisers. Her departure means that a Democratic field that began as the most diverse in American history — and included six women — is now essentially down to two white men: former Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr. and Senator Bernie Sanders.
Her potential endorsement is highly sought after in the race and both Mr. Sanders and former Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr. have spoken with Ms. Warren since Super Tuesday, when the end of her campaign appeared imminent, though she revealed little of her intentions. From the start, Ms. Warren said that she had been told there were only two true lanes in the 2020 contest: a liberal one dominated by Mr. Sanders, 78, and a moderate one led by Mr. Biden, 77.
Addressing supporters and the press in front of her house in Cambridge, Ms. Warren said that, from the start, she had been told there were only two true lanes in the 2020 contest: a liberal one dominated by Mr. Sanders, 78, and a moderate one led by Mr. Biden, 77. “I thought that wasn’t right,” Ms. Warren said in front of her house in Cambridge as she suspended her campaign, “But evidently I was wrong.”
“I thought that wasn’t right,” Ms. Warren said, “But evidently I was wrong.” Though her vision energized many progressives — the unlikely chant of “big, structural change” rang out at her rallies — it did not find a wide enough audience among the party’s working-class and diverse base. Now her potential endorsement is highly sought, and both Mr. Sanders and Mr. Biden have spoken with her in the days since Super Tuesday losses sealed her political fate, though she revealed precious little of her intentions on Thursday.
What had began as the most diverse Democratic presidential field in American history — including six women — is now essentially down to two white men. “I need some space around this,” she said.
Ms. Warren said she would not be immediately making an endorsement in the race but left open the possibility she would do so in the near future. “I need some space around this,” she said. Ms. Warren’s impact on the race was far greater than just the outcome for her own candidacy. She effectively drove former Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg of New York, a centrist billionaire, out of the race with a slashing debate performance last month.
And her ability to raise well over $100 million and fully fund a top-flight presidential campaign without holding high-dollar fund-raisers demonstrated that other candidates, beyond Mr. Sanders and his intensely loyal small-dollar donors, could do so in the future.
Ms. Warren’s political demise was a death by a thousand cuts, not a dramatic implosion but a steady decline. In the fall, according to most national polls, Ms. Warren was the national pacesetter in the Democratic field. By December, she had fallen to the edge of the top tier, wounded by a presidential debate in October during which her opponents relentlessly attacked her, particularly on her embrace of “Medicare for all.”Ms. Warren’s political demise was a death by a thousand cuts, not a dramatic implosion but a steady decline. In the fall, according to most national polls, Ms. Warren was the national pacesetter in the Democratic field. By December, she had fallen to the edge of the top tier, wounded by a presidential debate in October during which her opponents relentlessly attacked her, particularly on her embrace of “Medicare for all.”
She invested heavily in the early states, with a ground game that was the envy of her rivals. But it did not pay off: In Iowa, where she had bet much of her candidacy — she had to take out a $3 million line of credit ahead of the caucuses to ensure she could pay her bills in late January — she wound up in a disappointing third place. She invested heavily in the early states, with a ground game that was the envy of her rivals. But it did not pay off: In Iowa, where she had bet much of her candidacy — she had to take out a $3 million line of credit before the caucuses to ensure she could pay her bills in late January — she wound up in a disappointing third place.
Ms. Warren slid to fourth in New Hampshire and Nevada, and to fifth in South Carolina. By Super Tuesday, her campaign was effectively over — with the final blow of a third-place finish in the primary of her home state, Massachusetts. Ms. Warren slid to fourth in New Hampshire and Nevada, and to fifth in South Carolina. By Super Tuesday, her campaign was effectively over — with the final blow losing her home state, Massachusetts.
The California results strikingly laid bare the demographic cul-de-sac her candidacy had become as Ms. Warren struggled to win over voters beyond college-educated white people, in particular white women. She was above the 15 percent threshold to win delegates, as of Thursday, in only a handful of highly educated liberal strongholds: places like San Francisco, Silicon Valley, Santa Monica and West Hollywood. The California results strikingly laid bare the demographic cul-de-sac her candidacy had become as Ms. Warren struggled to win over voters beyond college-educated white people, in particular white women. She was above the 15 percent threshold to win delegates, as of Thursday, in only a handful of highly educated enclaves: places like San Francisco, Silicon Valley, Santa Monica and West Hollywood.
Though the campaign failed to generate the widespread backing necessary to win the nomination, Ms. Warren always retained a core of fiercely loyal supporters and staff — dedicated to the project of bringing her promised “big, structural change” to the Democratic Party. Though the campaign failed to generate the widespread backing necessary to win the nomination, Ms. Warren retained a core of fierce loyalists dedicated to the project of delivering on her promise of wholesale change.
Her selfie lines were filled with well-wishers — young girls seeking her trademark pinky promise (“I’m running for president because that’s what girls do”), cutouts of Ms. Warren’s likeness, and tattoos of her adopted slogan: “Nevertheless, she persisted.” On Thursday, as her staff gathered, many were clad in liberty green, the color her campaign adopted to symbolize its togetherness. Her selfie lines were filled with well-wishers — young girls seeking her trademark pinkie promise (“I’m running for president because that’s what girls do”), cutouts of Ms. Warren’s likeness, and tattoos of her adopted slogan: “Nevertheless, she persisted.” When her staff gathered Thursday, many were clad in liberty green, the color her campaign adopted to symbolize its togetherness.
“One of the hardest parts of this is all those pinky promises,” a visibly emotional Ms. Warren said in Cambridge. “One of the hardest parts of this is all those pinkie promises,” a visibly emotional Ms. Warren said, describing the “trap” of gender for female candidates.
She described the impact of gender as “the trap question” for every female candidate. “If you say, ‘Yeah, there was sexism in this race,’ everyone says, ‘Whiner!’” Ms. Warren said. “If you say, ‘No, there was no sexism,’ about a bazillion women think, ‘What planet do you live on?’”
“If you say, ‘Yeah, there was sexism in this race,’ everyone says, ‘Whiner!’” Ms. Warren said. “If you say, ‘No, there was no sexism, about a bazillion women think, ‘What planet do you live on?’” Before her exit, Ms. Warren accumulated the second-largest number of Democratic delegates of any woman to run for president in history, behind only Hillary Clinton, the 2016 Democratic nominee.
Before her exit, Ms. Warren accumulated the second-largest number of Democratic delegates of any woman to ever run for president in American history, behind only Hillary Clinton, the 2016 Democratic nominee. The party’s left lane is now clearer for Mr. Sanders, who is aiming to attract enough of Ms. Warren’s supporters to put him over the top in a closely contested primary.
The party’s left lane is now clearer for Mr. Sanders, who had a more muted showing on Super Tuesday than polls had predicted. The Sanders campaign will now aim to attract enough of Ms. Warren’s ideologically progressive supporters to put him over the top in a closely contested primary. Supporters of Mr. Sanders and other progressives have spent the last two days gingerly reaching out to Ms. Warren’s orbit and plotting in private conversations about how to keep the two liberal standard-bearers aligned.
Supporters of Mr. Sanders and others in the progressive movement have spent the last 36 hours gingerly reaching out to those in Ms. Warren’s orbit and plotting in private conversations about how to keep the two liberal standard-bearers in the race aligned through the rest of the primary season. In January, Mr. Sanders and Ms. Warren clashed in a deeply personal way after she confirmed a report that in a private meeting before the campaign began, he told her he believed that a woman could not win the White House in 2020. During a debate, Mr. Sanders strongly denied having made the remark, and Ms. Warren confronted him onstage afterward, accusing him of calling her a “liar.” Relations have been chilly ever since.
In January, Mr. Sanders and Ms. Warren clashed in a deeply personal way after she confirmed a report that in a private meeting before the campaign began, he told her he believed that a woman could not win the White House. During a debate, Mr. Sanders strongly denied having made the remark, and Ms. Warren confronted him onstage afterward, accusing him of calling her a “liar.” Relations between the campaigns have been cool ever since. In her call with Mr. Biden, Ms. Warren revealed little of her endorsement plans. “She has a great poker face,” said one person familiar with the call.
In her call with Mr. Biden, Ms. Warren revealed little of her endorsement plans. “She has a great poker face,” one person who had been briefed on the call said. Ms. Warren arrived on the political scene in the aftermath of the 2008 financial collapse and shot to stardom with her indictments of Wall Street and unfettered capitalism.
Ms. Warren arrived on the political scene in the aftermath of the 2008 financial collapse and shot to superstardom with her indictments of Wall Street and unfettered capitalism. In 2016, some progressive organizations mounted “Run Warren Run” campaigns and Mr. Sanders floated her as a possible challenger to Mrs. Clinton, but Ms. Warren declined to run.
In 2016, some progressive organizations mounted “Run Warren Run” campaigns and her eventual presidential rival, Mr. Sanders, floated her name as a possible challenger to Mrs. Clinton, but Ms. Warren declined to run. When Ms. Warren did mount her campaign, she entered a changed political terrain. Mr. Sanders’s political stock had soared after his 2016 run, giving him an immediate advantage in fund-raising and name recognition that complicated Ms. Warren’s electoral path.
Four years later, when Ms. Warren did decide to pursue the Democratic nomination, she entered a changed political terrain. Mr. Sanders’s political stock had soared after his 2016 run, giving him an immediate advantage in fund-raising and name recognition that complicated Ms. Warren’s electoral path. Mr. Trump’s election seemed to shock the Democratic base into an acute focus on electability. Voters frequently second-guessed their electoral choices as they tried to game out which candidate would be best equipped to beat him.
President Trump’s election seemed to shock the Democratic base into an electability-induced stupor. Voters constantly second-guessed their electoral choices as they tried to game out which candidate would be best equipped to beat him.
Mr. Biden, in particular, has capitalized on this anxiety.Mr. Biden, in particular, has capitalized on this anxiety.
Ms. Warren’s allies and supporters said the question of electability — who would be the surest bet to defeat the president — disproportionately hurt women candidates after Mrs. Clinton’s unexpected loss in 2016. Ms. Warren’s allies and supporters said the electability question — who would be the surest bet to defeat the president — disproportionately hurt female candidates after Mrs. Clinton’s unexpected loss in 2016.
“All they heard all along was what a risk the women were,” said Christina Reynolds, a vice president of Emily’s List, a leading Democratic women’s group that endorsed Ms. Warren earlier this week, only after Senator Amy Klobuchar withdrew. “All they heard all along was what a risk the women were,” said Christina Reynolds, a vice president of Emily’s List, a leading Democratic women’s group that endorsed Ms. Warren this week, only after Senator Amy Klobuchar withdrew.
Ms. Reynolds said that evaluation was as wrong as it was widespread. “You had voters at the end trying to decide based on who would best beat Donald Trump or who would be the strongest, and being told that women were not that,” she said. “The idea that that doesn’t hang around the women’s necks is crazy.” Ms. Reynolds said that evaluation was as wrong as it was widespread. “The idea that that doesn’t hang around the women’s necks is crazy,” she said.
Ms. Warren’s campaign had been slow to directly address questions of electability, seeming to believe her rise in the polls last year spoke for itself. But as the calendar turned to 2020, it was apparent that the issue was hobbling her candidacy. At town halls and in photo lines, precinct captains and volunteers would tell Ms. Warren that it was what they were hearing from voters. Ms. Warren’s campaign was slow to directly address questions of electability, seeming to believe her rise in the polls last year spoke for itself. But as the calendar turned to 2020, it was apparent that the issue was hobbling her candidacy. At town halls and in photo lines, precinct captains and volunteers would tell Ms. Warren that it was what they were hearing from voters.
Ms. Warren’s decline had begun in earnest at the October debate, when she was pressed on how she would pay for Medicare for all and had no answer. It took her weeks to detail her plan, but by then her perceived trustworthiness seemed to have already taken a hit: the candidate with a plan for everything did not have one to finance the single biggest issue of the campaign. (Mr. Sanders, despite releasing fewer details on how he planned to enact Medicare for all, faced fewer questions until recently.) Ms. Warren’s decline had begun in earnest at the October debate, when she was pressed on how she would pay for Medicare for all and had no answer. It took weeks to detail her plan, but by then her perceived trustworthiness seemed to have taken a hit: The candidate with a plan for everything did not have one to finance the biggest issue of the campaign. (Mr. Sanders, despite releasing fewer details on how he plans to enact Medicare for all, has faced fewer questions.)
When she did roll out details, she was criticized by those on the left for compromising too much and by centrists for the sheer size of the plan. The episode captured a fundamental pain point for her candidacy: She was too much of an insider for those demanding revolution, and too much of an outsider for those who wanted to tinker with the system and focus on beating Mr. Trump.When she did roll out details, she was criticized by those on the left for compromising too much and by centrists for the sheer size of the plan. The episode captured a fundamental pain point for her candidacy: She was too much of an insider for those demanding revolution, and too much of an outsider for those who wanted to tinker with the system and focus on beating Mr. Trump.
As the race intensified in the fall, Ms. Warren was reluctant to strike back at her opponents, even as they undermined her image. Pete Buttigieg made deep incursions into her support among educated white voters but she did not call him out in earnest until December, even as he flooded the Iowa airwaves with a moderate message undercutting her progressive platform.As the race intensified in the fall, Ms. Warren was reluctant to strike back at her opponents, even as they undermined her image. Pete Buttigieg made deep incursions into her support among educated white voters but she did not call him out in earnest until December, even as he flooded the Iowa airwaves with a moderate message undercutting her progressive platform.
While most campaigns used the megaphone of mass television ads to cut through the media filter to pitch their candidate, Ms. Warren’s braintrust was cool to the power of commercials from the start, instead preferring on-the-ground and digital organizing. While most campaigns used the megaphone of mass television ads to cut through the media filter, Ms. Warren’s braintrust was cool to the power of commercials from the start, preferring on-the-ground and digital organizing.
At times, Ms. Warren’s campaign did not reflect the urgency of a candidacy trying to make history and promote a program of systemic upheaval, one that would include government-run health care, free public college, student debt cancellation, breaking up big tech companies, universal child care and significant tax increases on the wealthiest individuals and corporations. At times, Ms. Warren’s campaign did not reflect the urgency of a candidacy trying to make history and promote a program of systemic upheaval that included government-run health care, free public college, student debt cancellation, breaking up Big Tech, universal child care, and tax increases on the wealthy.
After weak finishes in Iowa and New Hampshire, Ms. Warren charged into the February debate planning to confront Mr. Bloomberg in his first appearance onstage. In Mr. Bloomberg, she found a rare rival she seemed truly comfortable attacking, a walking embodiment of the influence of money she had railed against. After weak finishes in Iowa and New Hampshire, Ms. Warren charged into the February debate planning to confront Mr. Bloomberg in his first appearance onstage. In Mr. Bloomberg, she found a rare rival she seemed truly comfortable attacking, a walking embodiment of the influence of money she rails against.
In that debate, held in Las Vegas, she warned Democrats against trying to “substitute one arrogant billionaire for another.” She slashed. He stumbled. Mr. Bloomberg would never recover. Ms. Warren’s donations surged, but her vote count did not.
Mr. Bloomberg never recovered. But while Ms. Warren’s donations surged, her vote count did not. She would bend a principled stand that week as well, declining to disavow a new super PAC that would air nearly $15 million in advertising on her behalf, saying she did not want to unilaterally disarm. The irony was not lost on her opponents: The candidate perhaps most focused on getting money out of politics wound up with the largest super PAC in the race to date.
She would bend her principled stand against money that week, as well, declining to disavow a new super PAC that had aired nearly $15 million in advertising on her behalf, saying she did not want to unilaterally disarm. The irony was not lost on her opponents: the candidate most focused on corruption wound up with the largest super PAC in the race to date. In recent days, Ms. Warren had taken to speaking to voters directly about their electability fears, imploring them to tune out pundits and vote their conscience.
In recent days, Ms. Warren had taken to speaking to voters directly about their electability fears, imploring them to tune out pundits and vote their own conscience.
“Here’s my advice: Cast a vote that will make you proud,” she said Tuesday in Detroit.“Here’s my advice: Cast a vote that will make you proud,” she said Tuesday in Detroit.
In speeches given over the course of her campaign, Ms. Warren sought to elevate the stories of women, often women of color. Her final major address, in East Los Angeles on Monday, was devoted to Latina janitors who organized for better working conditions. In speeches over the course of her campaign, Ms. Warren sought to elevate the stories of women, often women of color. Her final major address, in East Los Angeles on Monday, was devoted to Latina janitors who organized for better working conditions.
Aimee Allison, the founder and president of She The People, a political advocacy organization for women of color, praised Ms. Warren for the intentional inclusivity of her campaign. “She really comes up as the first white candidate for president who had an intersectional politics,” she said.Aimee Allison, the founder and president of She The People, a political advocacy organization for women of color, praised Ms. Warren for the intentional inclusivity of her campaign. “She really comes up as the first white candidate for president who had an intersectional politics,” she said.
But Ms. Allison acknowledged that pitch did not find favor in the broader minority electorate, even as it won plaudits from academics and activists.But Ms. Allison acknowledged that pitch did not find favor in the broader minority electorate, even as it won plaudits from academics and activists.
“Black voters really were looking for a return to normalcy,” she said. “It was a rejection from what was perceived as riskier politics and a broader and more courageous political vision.”“Black voters really were looking for a return to normalcy,” she said. “It was a rejection from what was perceived as riskier politics and a broader and more courageous political vision.”
Ms. Warren’s supporters never turned on their candidate, or the party that rejected her candidacy. In Illinois, where Ms. Warren’s campaign was scheduled to hold a post-Super Tuesday phone banking session, staff and supporters refused to cancel. They decided to use their time to support Marie Newman, the Illinois congressional candidate running against an incumbent Democrat opposed to abortion rights. Ms. Warren’s supporters were devoted to making the party more progressive to the end. In Illinois, where Ms. Warren’s campaign was scheduled to hold a post-Super Tuesday phone banking session, staff and supporters refused to cancel. They used their time to support Marie Newman, the local challenger running against an incumbent Democrat opposed to abortion rights.
“Our work continues,” Ms. Warren told her staff in the call informing them she was quitting the race. “The fight goes on, and big dreams never die.”“Our work continues,” Ms. Warren told her staff in the call informing them she was quitting the race. “The fight goes on, and big dreams never die.”
Astead W. Herndon reported from Cambridge, and Shane Goldmacher from New York. Jonathan Martin contributed reporting. Astead W. Herndon reported from Cambridge, and Shane Goldmacher from New York. Jonathan Martin contributed reporting from New York.