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Risky Strategy Has Produced Wins for Democrats in Fights Over Pandemic Aid Risky Strategy Has Produced Wins for Democrats in Fights Over Pandemic Aid
(about 13 hours later)
WASHINGTON — In January 2018, Senate Democrats took a politically risky stand, shutting down the government to insist on protections for hundreds of thousands of undocumented immigrants. Gleeful Republicans saw the obstruction strategy as a huge blunder and pounded the Democrats, who caved after only a few days of sharp attacks and cut a deal to reopen.WASHINGTON — In January 2018, Senate Democrats took a politically risky stand, shutting down the government to insist on protections for hundreds of thousands of undocumented immigrants. Gleeful Republicans saw the obstruction strategy as a huge blunder and pounded the Democrats, who caved after only a few days of sharp attacks and cut a deal to reopen.
Times — and circumstances — have changed.Times — and circumstances — have changed.
Democrats have now blocked two consecutive coronavirus rescue packages pushed by Republicans and withstood withering criticism to win concessions — and hundreds of billions of dollars — they said were vital, including in the bill that passed the Senate on Tuesday and is slated to clear the House on Thursday. At nearly $500 billion, the latest measure ended up being almost twice the size and much broader in scope than the original bill Senator Mitch McConnell, Republican of Kentucky and the majority leader, tried to ram through two weeks earlier without negotiations. Democrats have now blocked two consecutive coronavirus rescue packages pushed by Republicans and withstood withering criticism to win concessions — and hundreds of billions of dollars — they said were vital. At nearly $500 billion, the latest measure to move through Congress this week ended up being almost twice the size and much broader in scope than the original bill Senator Mitch McConnell, Republican of Kentucky and the majority leader, tried to ram through two weeks earlier without negotiations.
It was a potentially dangerous strategy for Democrats, particularly in an election year, that left them open to accusations from President Trump and congressional Republicans that they were denying desperately needed money at a crucial moment for businesses trying to survive in the face of the pandemic. It may have also reduced their leverage in the next fight over a much larger stimulus measure that is likely to top $1 trillion.It was a potentially dangerous strategy for Democrats, particularly in an election year, that left them open to accusations from President Trump and congressional Republicans that they were denying desperately needed money at a crucial moment for businesses trying to survive in the face of the pandemic. It may have also reduced their leverage in the next fight over a much larger stimulus measure that is likely to top $1 trillion.
But their willingness to take on those risks reflects Democrats’ confidence that the terrain of the current debate — a public health crisis and economic disaster that will require the broadest government relief effort since the post-World War II era — plays to their core strengths as a party. It is also based in part on their belief that Mr. Trump, whose re-election hopes are likely to rise or fall based on the public perception of his administration’s response to the pandemic, has a strong incentive to compromise with them.But their willingness to take on those risks reflects Democrats’ confidence that the terrain of the current debate — a public health crisis and economic disaster that will require the broadest government relief effort since the post-World War II era — plays to their core strengths as a party. It is also based in part on their belief that Mr. Trump, whose re-election hopes are likely to rise or fall based on the public perception of his administration’s response to the pandemic, has a strong incentive to compromise with them.
“We think we are right,” Senator Chuck Schumer of New York, the Democratic leader, said in an interview explaining his party’s stance. “People were just united that this was a serious crisis, and it was sort of obvious what McConnell was trying to do.”“We think we are right,” Senator Chuck Schumer of New York, the Democratic leader, said in an interview explaining his party’s stance. “People were just united that this was a serious crisis, and it was sort of obvious what McConnell was trying to do.”
The same was true last month, when Democrats twice voted to block a sweeping economic stimulus package that contained jobless aid, direct payments to Americans and business bailouts while they held out for their priorities, including stricter oversight requirements over how the Trump administration would spend the vast amounts of money. That $2.2 trillion measure passed unanimously.The same was true last month, when Democrats twice voted to block a sweeping economic stimulus package that contained jobless aid, direct payments to Americans and business bailouts while they held out for their priorities, including stricter oversight requirements over how the Trump administration would spend the vast amounts of money. That $2.2 trillion measure passed unanimously.
“My overall observation is it’s pretty hard to win a spending contest with a Democrat,” Mr. McConnell said in a brief interview on Tuesday. “They always want to spend more on everything.”“My overall observation is it’s pretty hard to win a spending contest with a Democrat,” Mr. McConnell said in a brief interview on Tuesday. “They always want to spend more on everything.”
Mr. McConnell has evidently had enough of a dynamic that seems to be empowering Democrats. After the latest aid bill cleared the Senate, he cited mounting deficit spending — Congress has now appropriated more than $2.7 trillion in only seven weeks to confront the pandemic — and declared that Republicans would entertain no more coronavirus rescue packages until all lawmakers were back in Washington for a normal Senate session. That scenario could delay additional aid while allowing a fuller debate on emerging proposals, rather than negotiation and approval by a handful of top lawmakers in a nearly empty Capitol. Mr. McConnell has evidently had enough of a dynamic that seems to be empowering Democrats. After the latest aid bill passed the Senate on Tuesday, he cited mounting deficit spending — Congress has now appropriated more than $2.7 trillion in only seven weeks to confront the pandemic — and declared that Republicans would entertain no more coronavirus rescue packages until all lawmakers were back in Washington for a normal Senate session. That scenario could delay additional aid while allowing a fuller debate on emerging proposals, rather than negotiation and approval by a handful of top lawmakers in a nearly empty Capitol.
The Republican leader also sought to play down Democratic gains in the bill, emphasizing that they had failed to secure additional aid to state and local governments that they had aggressively sought.The Republican leader also sought to play down Democratic gains in the bill, emphasizing that they had failed to secure additional aid to state and local governments that they had aggressively sought.
“It’s unfortunate that it took our Democratic colleagues 12 days to agree to a deal that contains essentially nothing that Republicans ever opposed,” Mr. McConnell said.“It’s unfortunate that it took our Democratic colleagues 12 days to agree to a deal that contains essentially nothing that Republicans ever opposed,” Mr. McConnell said.
But the measure did contain multiple things that Mr. McConnell initially rejected as he sought approval of a bare-bones infusion of $250 billion into a small-business loan program that had quickly run dry of funds. Instead, that program got $320 billion in new funds, including $60 billion secured by Democrats to be funneled through smaller community lenders to reach businesses that can struggle to get loans from big banks.But the measure did contain multiple things that Mr. McConnell initially rejected as he sought approval of a bare-bones infusion of $250 billion into a small-business loan program that had quickly run dry of funds. Instead, that program got $320 billion in new funds, including $60 billion secured by Democrats to be funneled through smaller community lenders to reach businesses that can struggle to get loans from big banks.
Also included were $60 billion to replenish exhausted Small Business Administration disaster relief accounts, $75 billion for hospitals and $25 billion for Covid-19 testing, plus a mandate that the Trump administration establish a strategy to help states vastly step up the deployment of tests throughout the country — a move Republicans had opposed.Also included were $60 billion to replenish exhausted Small Business Administration disaster relief accounts, $75 billion for hospitals and $25 billion for Covid-19 testing, plus a mandate that the Trump administration establish a strategy to help states vastly step up the deployment of tests throughout the country — a move Republicans had opposed.
“Of the four major things we pushed for, we got three over Republican resistance,” Mr. Schumer said. “But they knew they needed us.”“Of the four major things we pushed for, we got three over Republican resistance,” Mr. Schumer said. “But they knew they needed us.”
Speaker Nancy Pelosi, who early on warned Mr. McConnell that his proposal would not clear the Democratically controlled House, called the outcome a clear win for her party’s priorities. She said the legislation would not have been delayed at all if Republicans had accepted a Democratic counteroffer two weeks ago.Speaker Nancy Pelosi, who early on warned Mr. McConnell that his proposal would not clear the Democratically controlled House, called the outcome a clear win for her party’s priorities. She said the legislation would not have been delayed at all if Republicans had accepted a Democratic counteroffer two weeks ago.
“They like to say, ‘Oh, we held up,’” Ms. Pelosi told reporters. “No, we didn’t hold it up. They held up. And now we have prevailed.”“They like to say, ‘Oh, we held up,’” Ms. Pelosi told reporters. “No, we didn’t hold it up. They held up. And now we have prevailed.”
Democrats had substantial help in pushing back against Republicans, including a willing negotiator in Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin, who has shown a tendency to side with Democrats that has unnerved Republicans. Their efforts to place conditions on the small-business loan funds also benefited from a public outcry over how the program was being administered, after it emerged that the money had been flowing more easily to large chains and publicly traded companies than to the smaller mom-and-pop operations it was intended to help.Democrats had substantial help in pushing back against Republicans, including a willing negotiator in Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin, who has shown a tendency to side with Democrats that has unnerved Republicans. Their efforts to place conditions on the small-business loan funds also benefited from a public outcry over how the program was being administered, after it emerged that the money had been flowing more easily to large chains and publicly traded companies than to the smaller mom-and-pop operations it was intended to help.
“We needed to make sure they were working for everybody, not just the most-connected businesses,” said Senator Chris Van Hollen, Democrat of Maryland, who said the business owners he consulted wanted Democrats to institute changes in the loan effort, not rush to inject more funding into a flawed program.“We needed to make sure they were working for everybody, not just the most-connected businesses,” said Senator Chris Van Hollen, Democrat of Maryland, who said the business owners he consulted wanted Democrats to institute changes in the loan effort, not rush to inject more funding into a flawed program.
Even after the final agreement was struck, Republicans continued to slam Democrats for the delay. Senator John Barrasso of Wyoming, the chamber’s No. 3 Republican, called it “disgraceful.”Even after the final agreement was struck, Republicans continued to slam Democrats for the delay. Senator John Barrasso of Wyoming, the chamber’s No. 3 Republican, called it “disgraceful.”
“For Chuck Schumer and Nancy Pelosi to hold up that money for these people and hold them all hostage to create leverage is unconscionable to me,” he said. “They seemed to have no sense of urgency or sense of the crisis that is hitting this country.”“For Chuck Schumer and Nancy Pelosi to hold up that money for these people and hold them all hostage to create leverage is unconscionable to me,” he said. “They seemed to have no sense of urgency or sense of the crisis that is hitting this country.”
The Trump campaign released a scathing ad on Monday attacking Ms. Pelosi for blocking the funding, juxtaposing footage of poor Americans struggling in the pandemic with clips of an appearance the speaker made on late-night TV in which she showed off her favorite ice creams. “Nancy Antoinette,” it called her.The Trump campaign released a scathing ad on Monday attacking Ms. Pelosi for blocking the funding, juxtaposing footage of poor Americans struggling in the pandemic with clips of an appearance the speaker made on late-night TV in which she showed off her favorite ice creams. “Nancy Antoinette,” it called her.
Mr. Barrasso said it remains to be seen what the political costs could be for Democrats for the way they handled the loan program, which stopped accepting applications once its original funding ran out.
One advantage for Democrats compared with the immigration showdown in 2018 is that they are not defending as many Senate incumbents, and are instead on offense this year, trying to unseat Republicans. That meant their challengers back home in contested states could not be held responsible for blocking the money, but instead could lament the general dysfunction in Washington that they are proposing to correct.
Even as congressional Democrats were celebrating their gains in the legislation, they were under fire from progressive lawmakers and advocacy groups who saw the package as insufficient. Some on the left faulted Democrats for not extracting more from the Republicans, particularly for states and cities that are being pushed to the financial brink by the pandemic, or winning more direct aid for beleaguered Americans wondering how to pay rent when they cannot expect another check from the government.Even as congressional Democrats were celebrating their gains in the legislation, they were under fire from progressive lawmakers and advocacy groups who saw the package as insufficient. Some on the left faulted Democrats for not extracting more from the Republicans, particularly for states and cities that are being pushed to the financial brink by the pandemic, or winning more direct aid for beleaguered Americans wondering how to pay rent when they cannot expect another check from the government.
“This is a win for McConnell and Trump,” said Ezra Levin, an executive director of the group Indivisible. “This Covid 3.5 package is nothing close to what families and workers need right now.” Mr. Levin said Democrats had sacrificed valuable leverage for a next round of negotiations. “This is a win for McConnell and Trump,” said Ezra Levin, an executive director of the group Indivisible. “This Covid 3.5 package is nothing close to what families and workers need right now.”
Mr. Schumer and Ms. Pelosi disputed that notion and promised a “robust” Phase 4 of the pandemic relief effort. They noted that the Trump administration was also already mapping plans for another bill that would include infrastructure investments and aid for states. Democrats said that action would become inevitable as states and cities face decisions on laying off emergency workers and cutting other services and as the public clamors for help.Mr. Schumer and Ms. Pelosi disputed that notion and promised a “robust” Phase 4 of the pandemic relief effort. They noted that the Trump administration was also already mapping plans for another bill that would include infrastructure investments and aid for states. Democrats said that action would become inevitable as states and cities face decisions on laying off emergency workers and cutting other services and as the public clamors for help.
“The public very much cares about the health and well-being of our heroes, our health care workers and first responders who risked their lives to save other people’s lives and now could lose their jobs,” Ms. Pelosi said.
She planned to move on Thursday to create a special House committee to scrutinize the Trump administration’s response to the coronavirus, and how the stimulus money is spent.
Mr. McConnell appears to be digging in, telling the conservative radio host Hugh Hewitt on Wednesday that he wanted to “push the pause button” on coronavirus relief legislation, and that “this whole business of additional assistance for state and local governments needs to be thoroughly evaluated.”Mr. McConnell appears to be digging in, telling the conservative radio host Hugh Hewitt on Wednesday that he wanted to “push the pause button” on coronavirus relief legislation, and that “this whole business of additional assistance for state and local governments needs to be thoroughly evaluated.”
But with the pandemic continuing to roil the economy and facing intense pressure to respond from Democrats, the White House, governors of both parties and some of his own lawmakers, Mr. McConnell may once again find himself in the unusual position of struggling to hold the line.But with the pandemic continuing to roil the economy and facing intense pressure to respond from Democrats, the White House, governors of both parties and some of his own lawmakers, Mr. McConnell may once again find himself in the unusual position of struggling to hold the line.
Emily Cochrane contributed reporting.Emily Cochrane contributed reporting.