'Will the Pandemic Slow New York’s Progressive Momentum?' diff viewer (7/8)

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Will the Pandemic Slow New York’s Progressive Momentum?	Will the Pandemic Slow New York’s Progressive Momentum?
2020-07-17 13:54:24 UTC	2020-07-24 09:32:28 UTC (7 days later)
After helping Democrats win control of New York State’s government two years ago, progressives envisioned 2020 as the year to expand their foothold in the State Capitol in Albany.	After helping Democrats win control of New York State’s government two years ago, progressives envisioned 2020 as the year to expand their foothold in the State Capitol in Albany.
They would use a proven playbook: Progressive groups would recruit liberal-minded newcomers to challenge entrenched Democratic state legislators whom they regarded as too moderate, and who had run unopposed for years.	They would use a proven playbook: Progressive groups would recruit liberal-minded newcomers to challenge entrenched Democratic state legislators whom they regarded as too moderate, and who had run unopposed for years.
But just as they were getting their grass-roots campaigns off the ground, the coronavirus descended on New York, dampening efforts to push the State Legislature leftward in the June 23 primary elections.	But just as they were getting their grass-roots campaigns off the ground, the coronavirus descended on New York, dampening efforts to push the State Legislature leftward in the June 23 primary elections.
Because of the virus, in-person campaigning abruptly ground to a halt, stripping progressive challengers of the organizing tactics essential to counter the advantages of incumbency.	Because of the virus, in-person campaigning abruptly ground to a halt, stripping progressive challengers of the organizing tactics essential to counter the advantages of incumbency.
“I really counted on grass-roots, door-to-door engagement, and that’s been disrupted,” said Jessica González-Rojas, an insurgent candidate vying to topple Assemblyman Michael G. DenDekker, a six-term Democrat from northwestern Queens. “And given the reality in our district, and how hard we were hit with the coronavirus, I’m not sure people’s head space is on an election right now.”	“I really counted on grass-roots, door-to-door engagement, and that’s been disrupted,” said Jessica González-Rojas, an insurgent candidate vying to topple Assemblyman Michael G. DenDekker, a six-term Democrat from northwestern Queens. “And given the reality in our district, and how hard we were hit with the coronavirus, I’m not sure people’s head space is on an election right now.”
With about 30 Democratic lawmakers facing primary challenges next week, some more serious than others, left-wing groups — from the Working Families Party (W.F.P.) to the Democratic Socialists of America (D.S.A.) — have focused most of their efforts on a slate of seats in the State Assembly they deem ripe for the taking.	With about 30 Democratic lawmakers facing primary challenges next week, some more serious than others, left-wing groups — from the Working Families Party (W.F.P.) to the Democratic Socialists of America (D.S.A.) — have focused most of their efforts on a slate of seats in the State Assembly they deem ripe for the taking.
Some of the most viable challenges have unfolded in parts of Brooklyn and Queens that felt the brunt of the pandemic, and where gentrification and demographic shifts have helped fuel notable insurgent candidacies before, like those of Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Tiffany Cabán, who narrowly lost the Queens district attorney primary last year.	Some of the most viable challenges have unfolded in parts of Brooklyn and Queens that felt the brunt of the pandemic, and where gentrification and demographic shifts have helped fuel notable insurgent candidacies before, like those of Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Tiffany Cabán, who narrowly lost the Queens district attorney primary last year.
The recent weeks of protests against police brutality have added a new dynamic to the elections; many insurgents are hoping to transform the civil unrest into support from voters upset with the status quo. Lawmakers have quickly altered their campaigns to include references to their records on criminal justice, while challengers are calling out incumbents who have received campaign contributions from police unions.	The recent weeks of protests against police brutality have added a new dynamic to the elections; many insurgents are hoping to transform the civil unrest into support from voters upset with the status quo. Lawmakers have quickly altered their campaigns to include references to their records on criminal justice, while challengers are calling out incumbents who have received campaign contributions from police unions.
The pandemic is expected to depress in-person turnout at polling sites on Tuesday: More than 625,600 voters in New York City have requested ballots to vote by mail, giving well-run campaigns the opportunity to specifically target that pool of voters.	The pandemic is expected to depress in-person turnout at polling sites on Tuesday: More than 625,600 voters in New York City have requested ballots to vote by mail, giving well-run campaigns the opportunity to specifically target that pool of voters.
That should benefit incumbents, but it is not a clear-cut advantage: In Pennsylvania, insurgents defeated six Democratic state legislators in the June 2 primary.	That should benefit incumbents, but it is not a clear-cut advantage: In Pennsylvania, insurgents defeated six Democratic state legislators in the June 2 primary.
But successful insurgent campaigns, like those that helped Democrats regain full control of the State Senate in 2018, have tended to rely on a robust ground game of volunteers and canvassers, impossible to replicate in the era of social distancing.	But successful insurgent campaigns, like those that helped Democrats regain full control of the State Senate in 2018, have tended to rely on a robust ground game of volunteers and canvassers, impossible to replicate in the era of social distancing.
In early March, candidates were in the throes of collecting signatures to get on the ballot when they were suddenly forced to recall volunteers from the field.	In early March, candidates were in the throes of collecting signatures to get on the ballot when they were suddenly forced to recall volunteers from the field.
The new reality vexed challengers like Ms. González-Rojas, 44, whose bid as a Latina community organizer to unseat a longtime white and male incumbent in an increasingly diverse part of Queens has drawn comparisons to Ms. Ocasio-Cortez’s candidacy. She even has her own three-letter nickname, J.G.R.	The new reality vexed challengers like Ms. González-Rojas, 44, whose bid as a Latina community organizer to unseat a longtime white and male incumbent in an increasingly diverse part of Queens has drawn comparisons to Ms. Ocasio-Cortez’s candidacy. She even has her own three-letter nickname, J.G.R.
With handshaking and in-person fund-raisers no longer options, Ms. Gonzalez-Rojas and other insurgents were forced to repurpose their campaigns. Virtual town halls and fund-raisers were held over Zoom. They shifted to digital media and set up phone-bank operations.	With handshaking and in-person fund-raisers no longer options, Ms. Gonzalez-Rojas and other insurgents were forced to repurpose their campaigns. Virtual town halls and fund-raisers were held over Zoom. They shifted to digital media and set up phone-bank operations.
“It’s about reminding people that there is a very safe way to vote this year,” Ms. González-Rojas said, referring to the state’s expansion of absentee ballot voting. “I really want to bring in voters who feel apathetic. This is a community that is 60 percent Latinx and we’ve never had anyone that understands the Latinx experience.”	“It’s about reminding people that there is a very safe way to vote this year,” Ms. González-Rojas said, referring to the state’s expansion of absentee ballot voting. “I really want to bring in voters who feel apathetic. This is a community that is 60 percent Latinx and we’ve never had anyone that understands the Latinx experience.”
In a statement, Mr. DenDekker singled out his support for the so-called green light law passed last year, which allows undocumented people to apply for driver’s licenses. “I am proud of my record of standing up for my immigrant neighbors and people of color,” he said.	In a statement, Mr. DenDekker singled out his support for the so-called green light law passed last year, which allows undocumented people to apply for driver’s licenses. “I am proud of my record of standing up for my immigrant neighbors and people of color,” he said.
Three other candidates are on the ballot against Mr. DenDekker, increasing the chances of a fractured vote that will presumably benefit the incumbent. But Ms. González-Rojas, who received the W.F.P. endorsement, has raised over $150,000, more than the three other challengers, and not far behind Mr. DenDekker’s $195,000 haul.	Three other candidates are on the ballot against Mr. DenDekker, increasing the chances of a fractured vote that will presumably benefit the incumbent. But Ms. González-Rojas, who received the W.F.P. endorsement, has raised over $150,000, more than the three other challengers, and not far behind Mr. DenDekker’s $195,000 haul.
Still, there are limits to connecting with potential voters through digital means: Poorer and marginalized communities may be harder to reach. And it can often be more expensive than relying on an army of volunteers to knock on doors.	Still, there are limits to connecting with potential voters through digital means: Poorer and marginalized communities may be harder to reach. And it can often be more expensive than relying on an army of volunteers to knock on doors.
Zohran Mamdani, a democratic socialist taking on Assemblywoman Aravella Simotas in Astoria, facing her first primary challenge since she assumed office in 2011, said his campaign has had to pay 5 cents for every phone call and $1 per click for Facebook ads.	Zohran Mamdani, a democratic socialist taking on Assemblywoman Aravella Simotas in Astoria, facing her first primary challenge since she assumed office in 2011, said his campaign has had to pay 5 cents for every phone call and $1 per click for Facebook ads.
“You plan for the world that you have seen, and then you’re given an entirely different one,” said Mr. Mamdani, a foreclosure-prevention housing counselor from Uganda, noting a $12,000 investment on a campaign office he has barely used because of the pandemic. “I’m proud of how we’ve adapted, but the only way you can now contact voters, it comes with costs.”	“You plan for the world that you have seen, and then you’re given an entirely different one,” said Mr. Mamdani, a foreclosure-prevention housing counselor from Uganda, noting a $12,000 investment on a campaign office he has barely used because of the pandemic. “I’m proud of how we’ve adapted, but the only way you can now contact voters, it comes with costs.”
Mr. Mamdani was among the first legislative challengers in New York to use the growing anti-police sentiment as a cudgel against his opponent: A day after his campaign highlighted thousands of dollars that Ms. Simotas had received in contributions from police-affiliated groups, she said she would donate the money to charity. Ms. Simotas, however, said that she had made the decision after learning that police had pepper-sprayed two fellow lawmakers.	Mr. Mamdani was among the first legislative challengers in New York to use the growing anti-police sentiment as a cudgel against his opponent: A day after his campaign highlighted thousands of dollars that Ms. Simotas had received in contributions from police-affiliated groups, she said she would donate the money to charity. Ms. Simotas, however, said that she had made the decision after learning that police had pepper-sprayed two fellow lawmakers.
Ms. Simotas previously ran on the W.F.P. line, but the party did not make an endorsement in the race this year. She has spent more than $250,000 so far, more than her opponent, and said that her campaign has made over 182,000 phone calls to voters. But Mr. Mamdani has received 3,670 more individual contributions in the past eight months than she has in 10 years, according to his campaign.	Ms. Simotas previously ran on the W.F.P. line, but the party did not make an endorsement in the race this year. She has spent more than $250,000 so far, more than her opponent, and said that her campaign has made over 182,000 phone calls to voters. But Mr. Mamdani has received 3,670 more individual contributions in the past eight months than she has in 10 years, according to his campaign.
Though she is being challenged by a democratic socialist, Ms. Simotas has a progressive record around issues of sexual violence, health care and criminal justice, and a platform that in many ways is not that different from Mr. Mamdani’s.	Though she is being challenged by a democratic socialist, Ms. Simotas has a progressive record around issues of sexual violence, health care and criminal justice, and a platform that in many ways is not that different from Mr. Mamdani’s.
“I’ve worked incredibly hard in Albany to pass progressive legislation that actually makes a difference in people’s lives,” Ms. Simotas said.	“I’ve worked incredibly hard in Albany to pass progressive legislation that actually makes a difference in people’s lives,” Ms. Simotas said.
Senator Julia Salazar, a progressive lawmaker who took office in 2018, has endorsed Mr. Mamdani and two other challengers. But most of her colleagues in Albany have avoided endorsing like-minded progressives taking on establishment legislators.	Senator Julia Salazar, a progressive lawmaker who took office in 2018, has endorsed Mr. Mamdani and two other challengers. But most of her colleagues in Albany have avoided endorsing like-minded progressives taking on establishment legislators.
	Updated July 22, 2020
There are other races that do not fit the perfect mold of left-wing insurgent versus moderate incumbent, exposing rifts within the progressive movement.	There are other races that do not fit the perfect mold of left-wing insurgent versus moderate incumbent, exposing rifts within the progressive movement.
In Brooklyn’s 57th District, Assemblyman Walter T. Mosley was backed by the W.F.P., but is being challenged by Phara Souffrant Forrest, a nurse and tenant activist who has received endorsements from Ms. Ocasio-Cortez, Ms. Salazar and the D.S.A.	In Brooklyn’s 57th District, Assemblyman Walter T. Mosley was backed by the W.F.P., but is being challenged by Phara Souffrant Forrest, a nurse and tenant activist who has received endorsements from Ms. Ocasio-Cortez, Ms. Salazar and the D.S.A.
Another W.F.P.-backed incumbent facing a primary challenge is Assemblyman Joseph R. Lentol, 77, who has represented a section of northern Brooklyn that includes Greenpoint and Williamsburg since 1973.	Another W.F.P.-backed incumbent facing a primary challenge is Assemblyman Joseph R. Lentol, 77, who has represented a section of northern Brooklyn that includes Greenpoint and Williamsburg since 1973.
“Keeping the same person in office for that long is just to keep certain groups comfortable and veer away from dialogue and talking about power,” said his challenger, Emily Gallagher, a self-proclaimed socialist who was endorsed by Cynthia Nixon and Zephyr Teachout, former candidates for governor.	“Keeping the same person in office for that long is just to keep certain groups comfortable and veer away from dialogue and talking about power,” said his challenger, Emily Gallagher, a self-proclaimed socialist who was endorsed by Cynthia Nixon and Zephyr Teachout, former candidates for governor.
Mr. Lentol has spent $342,000 on the race, more than any other member of the Assembly facing a primary. “A good politician should run scared,” said Mr. Lentol, whose father and grandfather were also assemblymen.	Mr. Lentol has spent $342,000 on the race, more than any other member of the Assembly facing a primary. “A good politician should run scared,” said Mr. Lentol, whose father and grandfather were also assemblymen.
His constituents have been flooded with campaign mailers that tout his support of criminal justice reforms and emphasize that he is a “progressive Democrat.” An independent expenditure committee, New Yorkers for Independent Work, backed by gig companies like Lyft, has also spent money on mailers to get Mr. Lentol re-elected, as the companies push back on proposals in Albany that would expand employment benefits to gig workers.	His constituents have been flooded with campaign mailers that tout his support of criminal justice reforms and emphasize that he is a “progressive Democrat.” An independent expenditure committee, New Yorkers for Independent Work, backed by gig companies like Lyft, has also spent money on mailers to get Mr. Lentol re-elected, as the companies push back on proposals in Albany that would expand employment benefits to gig workers.
When the outbreak began in New York, many incumbents stopped campaigning and relied on the power of their office to help constituents — and potential voters — affected by the virus.	When the outbreak began in New York, many incumbents stopped campaigning and relied on the power of their office to help constituents — and potential voters — affected by the virus.
But many upstart candidates also changed tack: They transformed their campaign structures into so-called mutual aid networks, a community-organizing tool harnessed to help neighbors hit by the virus with medication, grocery runs and social services.	But many upstart candidates also changed tack: They transformed their campaign structures into so-called mutual aid networks, a community-organizing tool harnessed to help neighbors hit by the virus with medication, grocery runs and social services.
“I knew there’d be a massive amount of demand and assistance needed,” said Katherine Walsh, an urban planner running against Assemblyman Félix W. Ortiz, a 25-year incumbent in Brooklyn. “Our calls to our neighbors became check-in calls.”	“I knew there’d be a massive amount of demand and assistance needed,” said Katherine Walsh, an urban planner running against Assemblyman Félix W. Ortiz, a 25-year incumbent in Brooklyn. “Our calls to our neighbors became check-in calls.”
Ms. Walsh said the pandemic dampened her fund-raising efforts, but she still managed to raise over $115,000, more than Mr. Ortiz, who she noted had not received a single donation from people in his district, which includes Sunset Park.	Ms. Walsh said the pandemic dampened her fund-raising efforts, but she still managed to raise over $115,000, more than Mr. Ortiz, who she noted had not received a single donation from people in his district, which includes Sunset Park.
Mr. Ortiz said he didn’t ask for contributions from people in his community because they were suffering through the pandemic. Instead, he said, he has focused his efforts on helping hospitals procure ventilators and constituents receive unemployment benefits.	Mr. Ortiz said he didn’t ask for contributions from people in his community because they were suffering through the pandemic. Instead, he said, he has focused his efforts on helping hospitals procure ventilators and constituents receive unemployment benefits.
“My contributions come from friends that don’t have business with the state and the city,” said Mr. Ortiz, the assistant speaker of the Assembly. “I have a lot of friends. I call them and they help me out. I never pay attention to what other people are saying. I just tell people to look at my record.”	“My contributions come from friends that don’t have business with the state and the city,” said Mr. Ortiz, the assistant speaker of the Assembly. “I have a lot of friends. I call them and they help me out. I never pay attention to what other people are saying. I just tell people to look at my record.”