'A Big Convention Decision by Democrats, and a Play for White Suburban Voters by Trump' diff viewer (2/3)

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2020 Election Updates: Big Donors Line Up Behind Biden	2020 Election Updates: Big Donors Line Up Behind Biden
2020-07-16 13:48:15 UTC	2020-07-16 14:20:13 UTC (32 minutes later)
In another world, we would have been writing this dispatch from Milwaukee, preparing to hear Joseph R. Biden Jr. deliver his acceptance speech tonight for the presidential nomination. It’s easy to forget, but this was the week when the Democratic National Convention was supposed to take place.	In another world, we would have been writing this dispatch from Milwaukee, preparing to hear Joseph R. Biden Jr. deliver his acceptance speech tonight for the presidential nomination. It’s easy to forget, but this was the week when the Democratic National Convention was supposed to take place.
Instead, it is serving as a reminder of just how much the coronavirus has exploded the 2020 campaign. If there are even conventions — and that remains a real question — they will be a far cry from the elaborate, stage-managed presentations that have become a quadrennial ritual.	Instead, it is serving as a reminder of just how much the coronavirus has exploded the 2020 campaign. If there are even conventions — and that remains a real question — they will be a far cry from the elaborate, stage-managed presentations that have become a quadrennial ritual.
Democrats are now looking at a hugely scaled down convention next month. At most.	Democrats are now looking at a hugely scaled down convention next month. At most.
President Trump has made clear he wants the Republican convention to go on, moving it to Jacksonville, Fla., from Charlotte after North Carolina state officials told the party it would have to abide by social distancing rules.	President Trump has made clear he wants the Republican convention to go on, moving it to Jacksonville, Fla., from Charlotte after North Carolina state officials told the party it would have to abide by social distancing rules.
But Florida, with its case load spiraling upward, has become the very symbol of the American failure to contain the virus. Many top Republicans are skipping the event.	But Florida, with its case load spiraling upward, has become the very symbol of the American failure to contain the virus. Many top Republicans are skipping the event.
On Thursday, the Republican National Committee announced new details about the convention, confirming a Times report this week that the party was planning to shift some events to take place outdoors.	On Thursday, the Republican National Committee announced new details about the convention, confirming a Times report this week that the party was planning to shift some events to take place outdoors.
Ronna McDaniel, the committee’s chairwoman, said that “a number of indoor and outdoor venues” in Jacksonville would be used, including the VyStar Veterans Memorial Arena, where the indoor program had been scheduled to take place, as well as several other locations. For the first three days of the convention, attendance will be limited to regular delegates, while a broader group will be allowed on the final day when Mr. Trump accepts the party’s nomination.	Ronna McDaniel, the committee’s chairwoman, said that “a number of indoor and outdoor venues” in Jacksonville would be used, including the VyStar Veterans Memorial Arena, where the indoor program had been scheduled to take place, as well as several other locations. For the first three days of the convention, attendance will be limited to regular delegates, while a broader group will be allowed on the final day when Mr. Trump accepts the party’s nomination.
Republicans were reminded of the stakes of this decision on Wednesday, when Gov. Kevin Stitt of Oklahoma announced he had the virus. Mr. Stitt had attended Mr. Trump’s rally in Tulsa and did not wear a mask there, but he said Wednesday that given the time that had elapsed, he did not believe he was infected at the event. Still, Tulsa has experienced a surge of cases that health officials say are most likely connected to the rally. That is presumably not a story the Trump campaign would want coming out of Jacksonville.	Republicans were reminded of the stakes of this decision on Wednesday, when Gov. Kevin Stitt of Oklahoma announced he had the virus. Mr. Stitt had attended Mr. Trump’s rally in Tulsa and did not wear a mask there, but he said Wednesday that given the time that had elapsed, he did not believe he was infected at the event. Still, Tulsa has experienced a surge of cases that health officials say are most likely connected to the rally. That is presumably not a story the Trump campaign would want coming out of Jacksonville.
Mr. Biden raised tens of millions of dollars in the last three months from major donors who gave more than $100,000, relying on some of the Democratic Party’s deepest pockets to sharply shrink Mr. Trump’s financial advantage, according to new federal filings.	Mr. Biden raised tens of millions of dollars in the last three months from major donors who gave more than $100,000, relying on some of the Democratic Party’s deepest pockets to sharply shrink Mr. Trump’s financial advantage, according to new federal filings.
Mr. Biden’s biggest benefactors in the second quarter of 2020, when he became the presumptive Democratic presidential nominee, represent a who’s who of billionaires and influencers in Silicon Valley, Hollywood, Wall Street and beyond. Among those who gave at least $500,000 were Laurene Powell Jobs, the philanthropist and widow of Steve Jobs; Meg Whitman, a former Republican candidate for governor of California and now the chief executive of the streaming company Quibi; George Soros, the billionaire progressive financier; Jeffrey Katzenberg, the Hollywood producer; and Dustin Moskovitz, a co-founder of Facebook.	Mr. Biden’s biggest benefactors in the second quarter of 2020, when he became the presumptive Democratic presidential nominee, represent a who’s who of billionaires and influencers in Silicon Valley, Hollywood, Wall Street and beyond. Among those who gave at least $500,000 were Laurene Powell Jobs, the philanthropist and widow of Steve Jobs; Meg Whitman, a former Republican candidate for governor of California and now the chief executive of the streaming company Quibi; George Soros, the billionaire progressive financier; Jeffrey Katzenberg, the Hollywood producer; and Dustin Moskovitz, a co-founder of Facebook.
Mr. Biden had previously announced that he narrowly edged Mr. Trump in total fund-raising with their parties in the last full three months, $282 million to $266 million. New Federal Election Commission filings released late Wednesday shed the first light on the biggest contributors powering Mr. Biden’s financial turnaround, from a candidate who struggled to raise money in the primaries to one now outpacing the incumbent president.	Mr. Biden had previously announced that he narrowly edged Mr. Trump in total fund-raising with their parties in the last full three months, $282 million to $266 million. New Federal Election Commission filings released late Wednesday shed the first light on the biggest contributors powering Mr. Biden’s financial turnaround, from a candidate who struggled to raise money in the primaries to one now outpacing the incumbent president.
Ever since Mr. Biden became the presumptive nominee in early April, the financial floodgates have opened, as major donors who once backed his rivals rallied behind him and small contributors surged toward the chance to oust Mr. Trump. James Murdoch, the son of the media mogul Rupert Murdoch, and his wife, Kathryn, each gave $615,000 in June to Mr. Biden’s shared committee with the Democratic Party. During the primary campaign, Mr. Murdoch had donated to Pete Buttigieg, the former mayor of South Bend, Ind.	Ever since Mr. Biden became the presumptive nominee in early April, the financial floodgates have opened, as major donors who once backed his rivals rallied behind him and small contributors surged toward the chance to oust Mr. Trump. James Murdoch, the son of the media mogul Rupert Murdoch, and his wife, Kathryn, each gave $615,000 in June to Mr. Biden’s shared committee with the Democratic Party. During the primary campaign, Mr. Murdoch had donated to Pete Buttigieg, the former mayor of South Bend, Ind.
Donation limits during the general election skyrocket because, as the expected nominee, Mr. Biden can raise money simultaneously for his own campaign, the Democratic National Committee and state parties. Checks can be as large as $620,600.	Donation limits during the general election skyrocket because, as the expected nominee, Mr. Biden can raise money simultaneously for his own campaign, the Democratic National Committee and state parties. Checks can be as large as $620,600.
Donors who gave at least $100,000 accounted for more than $53 million of Mr. Biden’s total haul in April through June, records show. Mr. Biden and Mr. Trump’s campaign will not file full reports for their spending and fund-raising until next Monday, though Wednesday’s disclosures offered important revelations both about how much cash Mr. Biden has accumulated and whom he and Mr. Trump have raised money from.	Donors who gave at least $100,000 accounted for more than $53 million of Mr. Biden’s total haul in April through June, records show. Mr. Biden and Mr. Trump’s campaign will not file full reports for their spending and fund-raising until next Monday, though Wednesday’s disclosures offered important revelations both about how much cash Mr. Biden has accumulated and whom he and Mr. Trump have raised money from.
Mr. Biden’s campaign has closely guarded exactly how much cash he has in the bank, along with the D.N.C. But the latest filings suggested he had far surpassed $210 million in cash on hand entering July, a remarkable number given his earlier difficulties.	Mr. Biden’s campaign has closely guarded exactly how much cash he has in the bank, along with the D.N.C. But the latest filings suggested he had far surpassed $210 million in cash on hand entering July, a remarkable number given his earlier difficulties.
Mr. Trump is shaking up his re-election team with less than four months until November’s vote, replacing his campaign manager, Brad Parscale, in an acknowledgment of the president’s diminished standing in nearly all public and private polling since the spring.	Mr. Trump is shaking up his re-election team with less than four months until November’s vote, replacing his campaign manager, Brad Parscale, in an acknowledgment of the president’s diminished standing in nearly all public and private polling since the spring.
Mr. Parscale, who was named campaign manager unusually early, in February 2018, will step out of the job and Bill Stepien, currently the deputy campaign manager and a veteran political operative, will take over. Mr. Parscale will stay on with the campaign, becoming a senior adviser for data and digital operations.	Mr. Parscale, who was named campaign manager unusually early, in February 2018, will step out of the job and Bill Stepien, currently the deputy campaign manager and a veteran political operative, will take over. Mr. Parscale will stay on with the campaign, becoming a senior adviser for data and digital operations.
Jared Kushner, the president’s son-in-law and a senior White House adviser, confirmed the moves Tuesday night, saying: “Brad and Bill were both unsung heroes of the 2016 campaign and have done a great job building the infrastructure for the president’s campaign for the 2020 race. Together they both bring unique strengths.”	Jared Kushner, the president’s son-in-law and a senior White House adviser, confirmed the moves Tuesday night, saying: “Brad and Bill were both unsung heroes of the 2016 campaign and have done a great job building the infrastructure for the president’s campaign for the 2020 race. Together they both bring unique strengths.”
The move comes as Mr. Trump’s advantages as an incumbent president have eroded in the face of a pandemic that has killed over 137,000 Americans and battered the nation’s economy — once Mr. Trump’s most powerful argument for re-election. The president has been heavily criticized for his handling of the coronavirus, and the halting federal response has deepened the hole in which he finds himself in national and battleground state polling.	The move comes as Mr. Trump’s advantages as an incumbent president have eroded in the face of a pandemic that has killed over 137,000 Americans and battered the nation’s economy — once Mr. Trump’s most powerful argument for re-election. The president has been heavily criticized for his handling of the coronavirus, and the halting federal response has deepened the hole in which he finds himself in national and battleground state polling.
With Mr. Biden claiming almost a double-digit lead in national polls, one question still seems to loom over the race: Can we trust the polls after 2016?	With Mr. Biden claiming almost a double-digit lead in national polls, one question still seems to loom over the race: Can we trust the polls after 2016?
It’s a good question. But for now, it’s not as important as you might guess. If the election were held today, Mr. Biden would win the presidency, even if the polls were exactly as wrong as they were four years ago, Nate Cohn writes for The Upshot.	It’s a good question. But for now, it’s not as important as you might guess. If the election were held today, Mr. Biden would win the presidency, even if the polls were exactly as wrong as they were four years ago, Nate Cohn writes for The Upshot.
The reason is simple: Mr. Biden’s lead is far wider than Hillary Clinton’s was in the final polls, and large enough to withstand another 2016 polling meltdown.	The reason is simple: Mr. Biden’s lead is far wider than Hillary Clinton’s was in the final polls, and large enough to withstand another 2016 polling meltdown.
This is not to say that Mr. Trump can’t win. There are still nearly four months to go until the election — more than enough time for the race and the polls to change. The race changed on several occasions over the final months in 2016. And this race has already changed significantly in the last four months. According to FiveThirtyEight, three months ago Mr. Biden held a lead of only about four points.	This is not to say that Mr. Trump can’t win. There are still nearly four months to go until the election — more than enough time for the race and the polls to change. The race changed on several occasions over the final months in 2016. And this race has already changed significantly in the last four months. According to FiveThirtyEight, three months ago Mr. Biden held a lead of only about four points.
And while Mr. Biden can currently survive a 2016-like polling error, there is no reason a polling error couldn’t be even larger in 2020.	And while Mr. Biden can currently survive a 2016-like polling error, there is no reason a polling error couldn’t be even larger in 2020.
But for now, his lead is large enough to survive a 2016 repeat and just about every general-election polling error in recent memory. He leads by an average of nearly 10 percentage points in national polls since June 1, well ahead of Mrs. Clinton’s four-point lead in the final national polls or her peaks of about seven points in early August and mid-October.	But for now, his lead is large enough to survive a 2016 repeat and just about every general-election polling error in recent memory. He leads by an average of nearly 10 percentage points in national polls since June 1, well ahead of Mrs. Clinton’s four-point lead in the final national polls or her peaks of about seven points in early August and mid-October.
Tommy Tuberville has wasted no time in pivoting toward his general-election opponent this fall, Senator Doug Jones. In Mr. Jones’s Alabama, he said Tuesday evening, “You don’t work for the United States of America — you spend your first three years trying to impeach the best president we’ve ever had. And he voted to impeach him!”	Tommy Tuberville has wasted no time in pivoting toward his general-election opponent this fall, Senator Doug Jones. In Mr. Jones’s Alabama, he said Tuesday evening, “You don’t work for the United States of America — you spend your first three years trying to impeach the best president we’ve ever had. And he voted to impeach him!”
Mr. Tuberville succeeded in his primary campaign against Jeff Sessions in large part by focusing on Mr. Trump. And according to early conversations with his campaign staff, Mr. Tuberville plans to maintain that strategy in the general election.	Mr. Tuberville succeeded in his primary campaign against Jeff Sessions in large part by focusing on Mr. Trump. And according to early conversations with his campaign staff, Mr. Tuberville plans to maintain that strategy in the general election.
But Mr. Jones has managed to navigate the in-between realm, both a loyal Democrat and amenable to working with Republicans and the president. In an interview on Wednesday, he pointed to the 17 bills he sponsored that Mr. Trump has signed into law.	But Mr. Jones has managed to navigate the in-between realm, both a loyal Democrat and amenable to working with Republicans and the president. In an interview on Wednesday, he pointed to the 17 bills he sponsored that Mr. Trump has signed into law.
“I have the luxury of telling people in Alabama, ‘Look, I’m going to be for President Trump on issues that are good for Alabama, and I’ve done that,’” Mr. Jones said “But on the other hand, I’m going to speak out when he’s doing things that are not good for Alabama.”	“I have the luxury of telling people in Alabama, ‘Look, I’m going to be for President Trump on issues that are good for Alabama, and I’ve done that,’” Mr. Jones said “But on the other hand, I’m going to speak out when he’s doing things that are not good for Alabama.”
He said he was betting that voters would appreciate his independence from the president, which is not something they can expect from Mr. Tuberville. Referring to the Republican senators in the South, Mr. Jones said: “They’ve been pretty timid. They wouldn’t speak out. And people take notice of that.”	He said he was betting that voters would appreciate his independence from the president, which is not something they can expect from Mr. Tuberville. Referring to the Republican senators in the South, Mr. Jones said: “They’ve been pretty timid. They wouldn’t speak out. And people take notice of that.”
While virtually every Republican in the deeply conservative state of ~~Alabamabelieves~~ their party will prevail in November, some fear that Mr. Tuberville, a former Auburn University football coach who has never held elected office, is particularly vulnerable to the kind of scrutiny that could make the path more difficult.	While virtually every Republican in the deeply conservative state of Alabama believes their party will prevail in November, some fear that Mr. Tuberville, a former Auburn University football coach who has never held elected office, is particularly vulnerable to the kind of scrutiny that could make the path more difficult.
If he receives that sort of attention, “then Doug Jones is going to get back in office,” predicted Cody Phillips, a member of the Republican Executive Committee for Baldwin County, east of Mobile. “Because the Democratic Party is going to attack him on all these issues.”	If he receives that sort of attention, “then Doug Jones is going to get back in office,” predicted Cody Phillips, a member of the Republican Executive Committee for Baldwin County, east of Mobile. “Because the Democratic Party is going to attack him on all these issues.”
Mr. Trump traveled on Wednesday to the new political battleground of Georgia to blast away at one of the nation’s cornerstone conservation laws, vowing to speed construction projects by limiting legally mandated environmental reviews of highways, pipelines and power plants.	Mr. Trump traveled on Wednesday to the new political battleground of Georgia to blast away at one of the nation’s cornerstone conservation laws, vowing to speed construction projects by limiting legally mandated environmental reviews of highways, pipelines and power plants.
One day earlier, Mr. Biden took a different tack, releasing a $2 trillion plan to confront climate change and overhaul the nation’s infrastructure, claiming he will create millions of jobs by building a clean energy economy.	One day earlier, Mr. Biden took a different tack, releasing a $2 trillion plan to confront climate change and overhaul the nation’s infrastructure, claiming he will create millions of jobs by building a clean energy economy.
The events captured the two candidates’ radically different beliefs about the global threat of the planet’s warming, and offered a glimpse of how they would lead a nation confronting a climate crisis over the next four years. For Mr. Trump, tackling global warming is a threat to the economy. For Mr. Biden, it’s an opportunity.	The events captured the two candidates’ radically different beliefs about the global threat of the planet’s warming, and offered a glimpse of how they would lead a nation confronting a climate crisis over the next four years. For Mr. Trump, tackling global warming is a threat to the economy. For Mr. Biden, it’s an opportunity.
In some ways, the debate over climate reflects the broader political realignment in both parties that defined the 2016 campaign: Working-class white voters, especially in rural areas, have moved farther from their union Democratic roots to embrace Mr. Trump and his energy policies, while educated, affluent white suburban voters, once staunchly Republican, drift toward the Democrats and appear increasingly open to more ambitious efforts to combat climate change.	In some ways, the debate over climate reflects the broader political realignment in both parties that defined the 2016 campaign: Working-class white voters, especially in rural areas, have moved farther from their union Democratic roots to embrace Mr. Trump and his energy policies, while educated, affluent white suburban voters, once staunchly Republican, drift toward the Democrats and appear increasingly open to more ambitious efforts to combat climate change.
“Biden’s pitch may play well with traditionally moderate Republican voters in the suburbs, just as Trump’s policy pronouncements may play well with traditionally more Democratic-leaning voters in other parts of the state, more rural parts of the state,” said former Representative Ryan Costello, a Republican who represented the Philadelphia suburbs.	“Biden’s pitch may play well with traditionally moderate Republican voters in the suburbs, just as Trump’s policy pronouncements may play well with traditionally more Democratic-leaning voters in other parts of the state, more rural parts of the state,” said former Representative Ryan Costello, a Republican who represented the Philadelphia suburbs.
But pro-business voters may see the danger of a Biden victory as just as high, said Scott Jennings, a Republican strategist.	But pro-business voters may see the danger of a Biden victory as just as high, said Scott Jennings, a Republican strategist.