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The Kushner-Blair Gaza plan is a moral atrocity – and a policy catastrophe | The Kushner-Blair Gaza plan is a moral atrocity – and a policy catastrophe |
(about 7 hours later) | |
Jared Kushner and Tony Blair’s neocolonial venture would be an incompatible transplant that would be rejected by the body | Jared Kushner and Tony Blair’s neocolonial venture would be an incompatible transplant that would be rejected by the body |
On my first day in Baghdad, after the mortar fire had subsided, I made my way to my office in the Republican Palace and set about the first task I had been given: writing a new policy for the Iraqi police on pregnant officers. To be clear, I was 26 and knew nothing about policing, nor about pregnancy, nor, for that matter, about Iraq, but I was part of the Coalition Provisional Authority – the American government that had been imposed after the war – and this policy, I was told, was what Iraq needed. | On my first day in Baghdad, after the mortar fire had subsided, I made my way to my office in the Republican Palace and set about the first task I had been given: writing a new policy for the Iraqi police on pregnant officers. To be clear, I was 26 and knew nothing about policing, nor about pregnancy, nor, for that matter, about Iraq, but I was part of the Coalition Provisional Authority – the American government that had been imposed after the war – and this policy, I was told, was what Iraq needed. |
Five years later, I found myself sitting in a plush hotel suite in Jerusalem, as Tony Blair – one of the architects of the Iraq war, but now the quartet special envoy for the Israeli-Palestinian “peace process”, waxed lyrical on the economic growth that was occurring in the Palestinian city of Jenin. Having spent a significant amount of time the day before negotiating the myriad of Israeli military checkpoints that separated Jenin’s dusty streets from the five-star German Colony Hotel where we were meeting, I could not square Blair’s impression with my own reality. | Five years later, I found myself sitting in a plush hotel suite in Jerusalem, as Tony Blair – one of the architects of the Iraq war, but now the quartet special envoy for the Israeli-Palestinian “peace process”, waxed lyrical on the economic growth that was occurring in the Palestinian city of Jenin. Having spent a significant amount of time the day before negotiating the myriad of Israeli military checkpoints that separated Jenin’s dusty streets from the five-star German Colony Hotel where we were meeting, I could not square Blair’s impression with my own reality. |
And yet here we are again, in 2025, talking about a western occupational government imposed on a region of the Middle East – and one led by Blair, no less – complete with the same old visions of economic prosperity disconnected from the realities on the ground or the rights of the people. | And yet here we are again, in 2025, talking about a western occupational government imposed on a region of the Middle East – and one led by Blair, no less – complete with the same old visions of economic prosperity disconnected from the realities on the ground or the rights of the people. |
It will not work, and it should not be trusted. | It will not work, and it should not be trusted. |
First, and most fundamentally, there is the question of legitimacy and local ownership. Self-determination is not just a right under the UN Charter – it is a fundamental desire of all peoples to shape their own affairs, and to build their own societies. The imposition of governance from the outside – a colonialist venture with a long history premised on the extraction of wealth through the repression of freedom – is simply not a sustainable path to a stable politics, because it is by nature lacking in popular support or buy-in, and incapable of an accurate and sufficiently nuanced understanding of local culture and dynamics. A Blair-led government of Gaza would, just like the American government of Iraq, be an incompatible transplant that would be rejected by the body, leading to a cycle of violence and escalation that is entirely avoidable and in no one’s interest. | First, and most fundamentally, there is the question of legitimacy and local ownership. Self-determination is not just a right under the UN Charter – it is a fundamental desire of all peoples to shape their own affairs, and to build their own societies. The imposition of governance from the outside – a colonialist venture with a long history premised on the extraction of wealth through the repression of freedom – is simply not a sustainable path to a stable politics, because it is by nature lacking in popular support or buy-in, and incapable of an accurate and sufficiently nuanced understanding of local culture and dynamics. A Blair-led government of Gaza would, just like the American government of Iraq, be an incompatible transplant that would be rejected by the body, leading to a cycle of violence and escalation that is entirely avoidable and in no one’s interest. |
Well, almost no one’s interest. Blair’s partner in this enterprise, Jared Kushner, is, like America’s chief negotiator, Stephen Witkoff, and, indeed, Donald Trump himself, a real estate developer at heart. In Gaza, Kushner does not see a thriving and vibrant culture whose history coincides with the rise of the pyramids. Rather, he sees only what Israel is creating with American weapons: a flattened ruin on a prime piece of coastland – a beachfront parking lot ready for redevelopment. In this economic fantasy, the people and politics of Gaza are a simple distraction from the opportunity to profit. | Well, almost no one’s interest. Blair’s partner in this enterprise, Jared Kushner, is, like America’s chief negotiator, Stephen Witkoff, and, indeed, Donald Trump himself, a real estate developer at heart. In Gaza, Kushner does not see a thriving and vibrant culture whose history coincides with the rise of the pyramids. Rather, he sees only what Israel is creating with American weapons: a flattened ruin on a prime piece of coastland – a beachfront parking lot ready for redevelopment. In this economic fantasy, the people and politics of Gaza are a simple distraction from the opportunity to profit. |
In the face of the devastation we now see, such visions are not unattractive. Why speak of a Gaza rebuilt for and by Palestinians, when a shining riviera could offer the same people a share in the prosperity that has risen from the unimagined overnight cities that have materialized on shorelines around the Middle East? This proposal is given a pragmatic boost by Israel’s own insistence that it will not countenance a Palestinian state or Palestinian control of Gaza, and the knowledge from recent experience that anything Israel does not will to happen in besieged Gaza – any construction materials, any reconstruction – cannot happen. | In the face of the devastation we now see, such visions are not unattractive. Why speak of a Gaza rebuilt for and by Palestinians, when a shining riviera could offer the same people a share in the prosperity that has risen from the unimagined overnight cities that have materialized on shorelines around the Middle East? This proposal is given a pragmatic boost by Israel’s own insistence that it will not countenance a Palestinian state or Palestinian control of Gaza, and the knowledge from recent experience that anything Israel does not will to happen in besieged Gaza – any construction materials, any reconstruction – cannot happen. |
But the world does not have to play along with this sugar-coated neocolonialism. The Egyptian-led Arab Plan for Gaza lays out a clear alternative: a technocratic Palestinian interim government leading to a restoration of a democratically elected Palestinian government, and a reconstruction of Gaza that is designed, led, and implemented by the Palestinian people. | But the world does not have to play along with this sugar-coated neocolonialism. The Egyptian-led Arab Plan for Gaza lays out a clear alternative: a technocratic Palestinian interim government leading to a restoration of a democratically elected Palestinian government, and a reconstruction of Gaza that is designed, led, and implemented by the Palestinian people. |
Such an approach might not maximize Gaza’s investment profitability. And it would deny Blair his restoration from consultant to ruler. But history – indeed, very recent history – shows that the Kushner-Blair proposal is not only a moral atrocity, but a policy one, too. Thousands of Palestinians remain buried under the rubble of Gaza – and yet thousands more yearn to rebuild it. You cannot build a riviera on the bones of the dead. And you cannot build an occupation on the aspirations of the living. | Such an approach might not maximize Gaza’s investment profitability. And it would deny Blair his restoration from consultant to ruler. But history – indeed, very recent history – shows that the Kushner-Blair proposal is not only a moral atrocity, but a policy one, too. Thousands of Palestinians remain buried under the rubble of Gaza – and yet thousands more yearn to rebuild it. You cannot build a riviera on the bones of the dead. And you cannot build an occupation on the aspirations of the living. |
Josh Paul served as a national security consultant in the Coalition Provisional Authority for Iraq, a security sector governance adviser to the US security coordinator for Israel and the Palestinian territories, and now leads Washington DC-based non-profit advocacy group A New Policy | |
Josh Paul served as a national security consultant in the Coalition Provisional Authority for Iraq, a security sector governance adviser to the US security coordinator for Israel and the Palestinian territories, and now leads Washington DC-based non-profit advocacy group A New Policy |
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