This article is from the source 'guardian' and was first published or seen on . It last changed over 40 days ago and won't be checked again for changes.
You can find the current article at its original source at http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2012/may/10/binyamin-netanyahu-coalition-israel
The article has changed 2 times. There is an RSS feed of changes available.
Previous version
1
Next version
| Version 0 | Version 1 |
|---|---|
| Binyamin Netanyahu has indeed learned to play politics | Binyamin Netanyahu has indeed learned to play politics |
| (40 minutes later) | |
| Shortly before the 2009 election that propelled Binyamin Netanyahu back to power in Israel, I went to interview him for a magazine profile. His campaign was all about personal change; Netanyahu was voted out a decade before, and had been working ever since on his vengeful comeback. "What change are you talking about?" I asked him. "I've been reading back your past statements and interviews, and you've been saying the exact same things." | Shortly before the 2009 election that propelled Binyamin Netanyahu back to power in Israel, I went to interview him for a magazine profile. His campaign was all about personal change; Netanyahu was voted out a decade before, and had been working ever since on his vengeful comeback. "What change are you talking about?" I asked him. "I've been reading back your past statements and interviews, and you've been saying the exact same things." |
| "You're right," said Bibi. "My positions have not changed, but the Israeli public is more willing to listen to me, and I've learned to be a politician." | "You're right," said Bibi. "My positions have not changed, but the Israeli public is more willing to listen to me, and I've learned to be a politician." |
| Learned to be a politician? I said, and what were you doing until now? "I was a policy wonk, but now I understand that politics is a people's business," explained Netanyahu. "For a decade I watched prime ministers Ariel Sharon and Ehud Olmert, saw how they treated their fellow politicians, and learned the lesson." Sharon and Olmert were indeed the masters of manipulation and manoeuvre, the key ingredients for survival in Israel's coalition politics. They were paying endless attention to politicians big and small, while Netanyahu played the intellectual snob. No more, he promised, "now I listen to everybody". | Learned to be a politician? I said, and what were you doing until now? "I was a policy wonk, but now I understand that politics is a people's business," explained Netanyahu. "For a decade I watched prime ministers Ariel Sharon and Ehud Olmert, saw how they treated their fellow politicians, and learned the lesson." Sharon and Olmert were indeed the masters of manipulation and manoeuvre, the key ingredients for survival in Israel's coalition politics. They were paying endless attention to politicians big and small, while Netanyahu played the intellectual snob. No more, he promised, "now I listen to everybody". |
| I left the meeting unconvinced, but Netanyahu was true to his words. He won his comeback, and since then has proved time and again that he did learn to be a politician. Unlike his tempestuous first term, when his cabinet was in constant turmoil, the new Netanyahu presided over the calmest Israeli coalition in recent memory, enjoying immense popularity and becoming a consensus figure in the process. In the past two weeks, Bibi broke his own record in a stroke that could make even the old masters Sharon and Olmert envious. First, he called a snap election for 4 September, riding high on the public opinion polls anticipating an easy victory with no available challenger. Then on Monday night, with the Knesset in the midst of approving its dissolution, Netanyahu surprised everybody by calling off the early election and announcing a "national unity government" with opposition leader Shaul Mofaz, whose Kadima party would flip sides. With 94 out of 120 members of the Knesset (MKs) supporting it, Netanyahu's new coalition appears unbreakable, and can easily fulfil its remaining 18 months until the end of the parliamentary term. | I left the meeting unconvinced, but Netanyahu was true to his words. He won his comeback, and since then has proved time and again that he did learn to be a politician. Unlike his tempestuous first term, when his cabinet was in constant turmoil, the new Netanyahu presided over the calmest Israeli coalition in recent memory, enjoying immense popularity and becoming a consensus figure in the process. In the past two weeks, Bibi broke his own record in a stroke that could make even the old masters Sharon and Olmert envious. First, he called a snap election for 4 September, riding high on the public opinion polls anticipating an easy victory with no available challenger. Then on Monday night, with the Knesset in the midst of approving its dissolution, Netanyahu surprised everybody by calling off the early election and announcing a "national unity government" with opposition leader Shaul Mofaz, whose Kadima party would flip sides. With 94 out of 120 members of the Knesset (MKs) supporting it, Netanyahu's new coalition appears unbreakable, and can easily fulfil its remaining 18 months until the end of the parliamentary term. |
| The new alliance grew out of weakness. The polls indicated the demise of Kadima, the former liberal ruling party, in the coming election – showing its newly elected chairman, Mofaz, as the ultimate loser. Meanwhile Netanyahu was pressured by two supreme court rulings that threatened his political alliances with the far right and the ultra-orthodox. First, the court voided a law exempting ultra-orthodox Jews from conscription, calling the government to draft new legislation by the summer. Then, it demanded the evacuation of West Bank settler homes, built illegally on looted Palestinian land. The far right, within and outside Likud, called on Netanyahu to ignore the court ruling and legislate the stolen land's confiscation. On Sunday, the settlers engaged in a show of force, embarrassing Netanyahu at the Likud convention (they demanded a secret ballot to choose the convention's chairman and denied Netanyahu control over proceedings). The next day, Netanyahu signed up Mofaz, who had to back off from his previous pledges "never to join this government". True to his risk-averse form, Netanyahu preferred the assurance of 18 months in power over the uncertainty of election – even when he was expected to win easily. With Kadima's MKs in his bag, Netanyahu is relieved from the threats of the far right and the ultraorthodox. Mofaz brings a more centrist face to the rightwing government, softening its hawkish image abroad. | The new alliance grew out of weakness. The polls indicated the demise of Kadima, the former liberal ruling party, in the coming election – showing its newly elected chairman, Mofaz, as the ultimate loser. Meanwhile Netanyahu was pressured by two supreme court rulings that threatened his political alliances with the far right and the ultra-orthodox. First, the court voided a law exempting ultra-orthodox Jews from conscription, calling the government to draft new legislation by the summer. Then, it demanded the evacuation of West Bank settler homes, built illegally on looted Palestinian land. The far right, within and outside Likud, called on Netanyahu to ignore the court ruling and legislate the stolen land's confiscation. On Sunday, the settlers engaged in a show of force, embarrassing Netanyahu at the Likud convention (they demanded a secret ballot to choose the convention's chairman and denied Netanyahu control over proceedings). The next day, Netanyahu signed up Mofaz, who had to back off from his previous pledges "never to join this government". True to his risk-averse form, Netanyahu preferred the assurance of 18 months in power over the uncertainty of election – even when he was expected to win easily. With Kadima's MKs in his bag, Netanyahu is relieved from the threats of the far right and the ultraorthodox. Mofaz brings a more centrist face to the rightwing government, softening its hawkish image abroad. |
| But that would be all. Israel's long experience with wall-to-wall coalitions has shown that they only strengthen the incumbent prime minister, while his partners play an empty choir role. Mofaz will have no influence either. Netanyahu will use him to buy more time for the stalemate on the Palestinian front and to thwart possible post-November pressures by a re-elected Barack Obama. On Iran, Mofaz's previous anti-war stance will make little difference. Netanyahu will be calling the shots, and if he decides to bomb Iran, or just keep on sabre-rattling he will easily master the needed political support. Otherwise, why did he bother learning to be a politician? | |
| • Follow Comment is free on Twitter @commentisfree | • Follow Comment is free on Twitter @commentisfree |
Previous version
1
Next version