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| Mayor’s Radical Message Has Broad Appeal With Weary Japanese | Mayor’s Radical Message Has Broad Appeal With Weary Japanese |
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| OSAKA, Japan — It took more than six decades, including nearly 20 years of economic stagnation, to persuade Japan’s change-averse voters to kick out the governing party long enough to move to a true two-party democracy in 2009. Now, just three years later, many voters have embraced a largely unknown new party led by a brash young leader who promises a drastic overhaul of the government. | OSAKA, Japan — It took more than six decades, including nearly 20 years of economic stagnation, to persuade Japan’s change-averse voters to kick out the governing party long enough to move to a true two-party democracy in 2009. Now, just three years later, many voters have embraced a largely unknown new party led by a brash young leader who promises a drastic overhaul of the government. |
| That party, the Japan Restoration Association, was formally inaugurated this month by its sharp-tongued leader, the mayor of Osaka, Toru Hashimoto. The boyish-faced 43-year-old former television commentator came out of nowhere four years ago to electrify this gritty business city with his very un-Japanese, in-your-face style — and his ability to do what few national leaders have seemed able to: push through painful changes. Mr. Hashimoto battled labor unions to slash deficit-ridden budgets and impose performance requirements on schoolteachers. | That party, the Japan Restoration Association, was formally inaugurated this month by its sharp-tongued leader, the mayor of Osaka, Toru Hashimoto. The boyish-faced 43-year-old former television commentator came out of nowhere four years ago to electrify this gritty business city with his very un-Japanese, in-your-face style — and his ability to do what few national leaders have seemed able to: push through painful changes. Mr. Hashimoto battled labor unions to slash deficit-ridden budgets and impose performance requirements on schoolteachers. |
| Now, he is taking his anti-establishment insurgency to the national stage, naming about 350 candidates, most of them political neophytes trained at Mr. Hashimoto’s own political “cram school,” to run in parliamentary elections expected as soon as November. His charisma has made the group a feared force in Japanese politics, seemingly overnight. | Now, he is taking his anti-establishment insurgency to the national stage, naming about 350 candidates, most of them political neophytes trained at Mr. Hashimoto’s own political “cram school,” to run in parliamentary elections expected as soon as November. His charisma has made the group a feared force in Japanese politics, seemingly overnight. |
| Polls show that the party, formally begun as a national movement just two weeks ago, has become the No. 2 party, polling behind the largest opposition party, but ahead of the governing party. And it is a close enough race that some analysts give Mr. Hashimoto’s group a chance of pulling ahead. | Polls show that the party, formally begun as a national movement just two weeks ago, has become the No. 2 party, polling behind the largest opposition party, but ahead of the governing party. And it is a close enough race that some analysts give Mr. Hashimoto’s group a chance of pulling ahead. |
| Beyond Mr. Hashimoto’s personal appeal, his rise reflects the desire for bolder change in a nation anxious over its chronic economic drift and fed up with a lack of leadership by the two main political parties, according to political analysts and lawmakers. His ascent is also the most potent evidence yet that last year’s nuclear disaster at the Fukushima Daiichi plant is leading to some fundamental rethinking of the country’s priorities, at least among ordinary Japanese who no longer trust the closely knit political elite. | Beyond Mr. Hashimoto’s personal appeal, his rise reflects the desire for bolder change in a nation anxious over its chronic economic drift and fed up with a lack of leadership by the two main political parties, according to political analysts and lawmakers. His ascent is also the most potent evidence yet that last year’s nuclear disaster at the Fukushima Daiichi plant is leading to some fundamental rethinking of the country’s priorities, at least among ordinary Japanese who no longer trust the closely knit political elite. |
| This new distrust reached a climax with Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda’s unpopular decision over the summer to restart a nuclear plant, a move opposed by many Japanese as an effort to go back to the pre-Fukushima status quo. Mr. Hashimoto was a leading voice early on for overhauling the nation’s insider-driven nuclear watchdog agencies. | This new distrust reached a climax with Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda’s unpopular decision over the summer to restart a nuclear plant, a move opposed by many Japanese as an effort to go back to the pre-Fukushima status quo. Mr. Hashimoto was a leading voice early on for overhauling the nation’s insider-driven nuclear watchdog agencies. |
| “Mr. Hashimoto has appeared at a time when discontent at Japan’s collusive politics is building” toward an eruption, said Katsuhito Yokokume, a lawmaker from Tokyo who quit the governing Democratic Party last year and wants to join Mr. Hashimoto. “The people feel betrayed by established political parties.” | “Mr. Hashimoto has appeared at a time when discontent at Japan’s collusive politics is building” toward an eruption, said Katsuhito Yokokume, a lawmaker from Tokyo who quit the governing Democratic Party last year and wants to join Mr. Hashimoto. “The people feel betrayed by established political parties.” |
| The changes Mr. Hashimoto proposes would be nothing short of radical: to dismantle Japan’s heavily centralized government, once seen as its strength but now viewed as thwarting reform. His party aims to replace what exists with an American-style federalism in which newly created states would hold greater control over their regions. The party also wants voters to directly choose the prime minister, who is now selected by Parliament. | The changes Mr. Hashimoto proposes would be nothing short of radical: to dismantle Japan’s heavily centralized government, once seen as its strength but now viewed as thwarting reform. His party aims to replace what exists with an American-style federalism in which newly created states would hold greater control over their regions. The party also wants voters to directly choose the prime minister, who is now selected by Parliament. |
| Analysts say that for his party to win in parliamentary elections, Mr. Hashimoto will have to overcome deep misgivings that many Japanese feel with his take-no-prisoners style, and provocatively right-wing remarks. But perhaps as important, he might have to join the race himself. So far, he has said he would not run for a parliamentary seat, precluding his ability to become prime minister. He explained that he had not yet made good on all his campaign promises in Osaka, though many analysts still expect him to change his mind. | Analysts say that for his party to win in parliamentary elections, Mr. Hashimoto will have to overcome deep misgivings that many Japanese feel with his take-no-prisoners style, and provocatively right-wing remarks. But perhaps as important, he might have to join the race himself. So far, he has said he would not run for a parliamentary seat, precluding his ability to become prime minister. He explained that he had not yet made good on all his campaign promises in Osaka, though many analysts still expect him to change his mind. |
| They say, however, that the party has recently lost some momentum because of his stance. | They say, however, that the party has recently lost some momentum because of his stance. |
| For the moment, the opposition Liberal Democrats have a slight lead because they are much better known than Mr. Hashimoto’s group and maintain a strong organization in rural areas, but many voters remain unenthusiastic about the party, which governed Japan for more than a half century and is widely blamed for leaving the country vulnerable to disaster by coddling the nuclear industry. The governing Democrats under Mr. Noda are widely criticized as having failed to fulfill their sweeping 2009 campaign promises to revitalize Japanese democracy by taking some power from the bureaucracy and making the government more transparent. | |
| Mr. Hashimoto’s followers say he has patterned himself somewhat on the last prime minister to make a popular push for fundamental change, the telegenic Junichiro Koizumi, who led the country in the early 2000s by championing economic liberalization. | Mr. Hashimoto’s followers say he has patterned himself somewhat on the last prime minister to make a popular push for fundamental change, the telegenic Junichiro Koizumi, who led the country in the early 2000s by championing economic liberalization. |
| Mr. Hashimoto goes a step further than Mr. Koizumi’s populist style. He offers a buck-stops-here ability to make quick decisions that is rare in consensus-driven Japan, where even plans that seem pressing — like expanding capacity at the capital’s main airport — can take decades. He is also unafraid to challenge others in a nonconfrontational political culture: he recently forced a half-dozen lawmakers from established parties who wanted to join his movement to try out publicly, debating before a panel of judges for the right to defect. | Mr. Hashimoto goes a step further than Mr. Koizumi’s populist style. He offers a buck-stops-here ability to make quick decisions that is rare in consensus-driven Japan, where even plans that seem pressing — like expanding capacity at the capital’s main airport — can take decades. He is also unafraid to challenge others in a nonconfrontational political culture: he recently forced a half-dozen lawmakers from established parties who wanted to join his movement to try out publicly, debating before a panel of judges for the right to defect. |
| Part of Mr. Hashimoto’s appeal lies in his outsider status. A lawyer whose father was a gangster, Mr. Hashimoto came from a neighborhood in Osaka populated by descendants of Japan’s medieval class of “buraku” untouchables, who still face discrimination. (Mr. Hashimoto says he does not know if he is from that background.) | Part of Mr. Hashimoto’s appeal lies in his outsider status. A lawyer whose father was a gangster, Mr. Hashimoto came from a neighborhood in Osaka populated by descendants of Japan’s medieval class of “buraku” untouchables, who still face discrimination. (Mr. Hashimoto says he does not know if he is from that background.) |
| He is also one of the first national political figures from the “lost generation” that came of age after the early 1990s financial collapse, and who appeals to young urban voters with his calls for breaking up a system that blocks youthful challengers, in politics and in business. | He is also one of the first national political figures from the “lost generation” that came of age after the early 1990s financial collapse, and who appeals to young urban voters with his calls for breaking up a system that blocks youthful challengers, in politics and in business. |
| “Japan needs a leader who can say no to interest groups, and make decisions for the whole nation,” Mr. Hashimoto said during a recent news conference. | “Japan needs a leader who can say no to interest groups, and make decisions for the whole nation,” Mr. Hashimoto said during a recent news conference. |
| Mr. Hashimoto turned down an interview request, as he does with most such requests. He apparently prefers to take his message directly to voters on Twitter, where he is the most followed politician in Japan. | Mr. Hashimoto turned down an interview request, as he does with most such requests. He apparently prefers to take his message directly to voters on Twitter, where he is the most followed politician in Japan. |
| His combative style was on display during the news conference. When a reporter for a major daily newspaper asked a question, Mr. Hashimoto berated the paper for using the word “dictator” in a recent front-page story about him. | His combative style was on display during the news conference. When a reporter for a major daily newspaper asked a question, Mr. Hashimoto berated the paper for using the word “dictator” in a recent front-page story about him. |
| “Do you think I am a dictator?” he demanded of the sheepishly grinning reporter. “Here in Osaka, I have done what I said I would do. Ask the voters what they think about that.” | “Do you think I am a dictator?” he demanded of the sheepishly grinning reporter. “Here in Osaka, I have done what I said I would do. Ask the voters what they think about that.” |
| Nor did Mr. Hashimoto refrain from a bit of boasting, rare in a nation that values humility. He told reporters that he had overridden dithering city officials in deciding to host a motorcycle race on the grounds of Osaka’s ancient castle. | Nor did Mr. Hashimoto refrain from a bit of boasting, rare in a nation that values humility. He told reporters that he had overridden dithering city officials in deciding to host a motorcycle race on the grounds of Osaka’s ancient castle. |
| Such decisiveness has made him popular in this metropolitan area of nearly nine million residents, which has been hit hard by the closing of factories. In 2008, after winning election as governor of the region that includes Osaka, he surprised many by fulfilling campaign pledges to balance the budget with drastic but ultimately popular spending cuts on items from welfare to children’s libraries. Last year, he once again stunned the establishment by beating an incumbent backed by all the major parties to become mayor. | Such decisiveness has made him popular in this metropolitan area of nearly nine million residents, which has been hit hard by the closing of factories. In 2008, after winning election as governor of the region that includes Osaka, he surprised many by fulfilling campaign pledges to balance the budget with drastic but ultimately popular spending cuts on items from welfare to children’s libraries. Last year, he once again stunned the establishment by beating an incumbent backed by all the major parties to become mayor. |
| “He has seized the public imagination by offering a drama of himself fighting vested interests and cutting waste,” said Yosuke Sunahara, a professor at Osaka City University. | “He has seized the public imagination by offering a drama of himself fighting vested interests and cutting waste,” said Yosuke Sunahara, a professor at Osaka City University. |
| His standing rose further after the nuclear disaster when he demanded that the government create more independent oversight of the industry before turning plants back on. | His standing rose further after the nuclear disaster when he demanded that the government create more independent oversight of the industry before turning plants back on. |
| Mr. Sunahara and others said the impulsive Mr. Hashimoto could still implode. One of his most controversial moves was to support a high school principal who had punished a teacher for not singing the national anthem, leading to accusations of “Hash-ism,” a play on the word “fascism.” | Mr. Sunahara and others said the impulsive Mr. Hashimoto could still implode. One of his most controversial moves was to support a high school principal who had punished a teacher for not singing the national anthem, leading to accusations of “Hash-ism,” a play on the word “fascism.” |
| He has also made remarks that have helped paint him as a right-wing firebrand, even though he has not embraced such conservative causes as rewriting the pacifist Constitution to allow Japan a full-fledged military, with his party instead calling for a referendum on whether to do so. Last month, he challenged South Korea to produce evidence that the Imperial Japanese military had forced Korean women into sexual slavery during World War II, diverging from the Japanese government’s official view that the army played a role. | He has also made remarks that have helped paint him as a right-wing firebrand, even though he has not embraced such conservative causes as rewriting the pacifist Constitution to allow Japan a full-fledged military, with his party instead calling for a referendum on whether to do so. Last month, he challenged South Korea to produce evidence that the Imperial Japanese military had forced Korean women into sexual slavery during World War II, diverging from the Japanese government’s official view that the army played a role. |
| Many Osaka voters say they generally do not mind the verbal fireworks, so long as he gets things done. | Many Osaka voters say they generally do not mind the verbal fireworks, so long as he gets things done. |
| “He is a politician who can make quick decisions,” said Ryoichi Hama, 62, a bus driver. “Osaka needs a decisive leader, but the whole nation needs one even more.” | “He is a politician who can make quick decisions,” said Ryoichi Hama, 62, a bus driver. “Osaka needs a decisive leader, but the whole nation needs one even more.” |