This article is from the source 'guardian' and was first published or seen on . It last changed over 40 days ago and won't be checked again for changes.
You can find the current article at its original source at http://www.guardian.co.uk/media/2012/nov/26/editors-jostle-position-leveson-battle
The article has changed 3 times. There is an RSS feed of changes available.
| Version 1 | Version 2 |
|---|---|
| Editors jostle for position ahead of battle over Leveson report | Editors jostle for position ahead of battle over Leveson report |
| (about 1 hour later) | |
| Newspaper groups and editors have been engaged in furious behind the scenes lobbying in a high stakes battle for power and influence in both Fleet Street and Westminster – in the belief that the real battle is coming after Lord Justice Leveson's vast report lands on Thursday. | Newspaper groups and editors have been engaged in furious behind the scenes lobbying in a high stakes battle for power and influence in both Fleet Street and Westminster – in the belief that the real battle is coming after Lord Justice Leveson's vast report lands on Thursday. |
| Leading the efforts for one group is Lord (David) Hunt, the chairman of the soon to be replaced Press Complaints Commission. He tried – and has apparently failed – to persuade newspapers to sign up to a one-page letter supporting a proposal for a reformed PCC promoted by Conservative peer Lord (Guy) Black, who chairs the organisation's powerful financing committee and is also an executive director at the Telegraph Media Group. | Leading the efforts for one group is Lord (David) Hunt, the chairman of the soon to be replaced Press Complaints Commission. He tried – and has apparently failed – to persuade newspapers to sign up to a one-page letter supporting a proposal for a reformed PCC promoted by Conservative peer Lord (Guy) Black, who chairs the organisation's powerful financing committee and is also an executive director at the Telegraph Media Group. |
| A letter circulated by Hunt and Black asks potential signatories, without referring to the reform proposal by name, to declare their belief that the new model of newspaper regulation "will address the criticisms made at the inquiry, and put the interests of the public at the centre of everything it does". | A letter circulated by Hunt and Black asks potential signatories, without referring to the reform proposal by name, to declare their belief that the new model of newspaper regulation "will address the criticisms made at the inquiry, and put the interests of the public at the centre of everything it does". |
| However, such an optimistic declaration, ahead of what is expected to be a highly critical inquiry report thousands of pages long, has not found favour in all of Fleet Street. The impression given by the Hunt letter was that the press could simply absorb whatever Leveson had to say, however critical, and move straight on to a programme of limited reform of the self-regulatory model. | However, such an optimistic declaration, ahead of what is expected to be a highly critical inquiry report thousands of pages long, has not found favour in all of Fleet Street. The impression given by the Hunt letter was that the press could simply absorb whatever Leveson had to say, however critical, and move straight on to a programme of limited reform of the self-regulatory model. |
| The duo and their allies worked hard to try to get others to sign. Richard Desmond, the Daily Express owner who distrusts Black, was sent a copy of the letter with Hunt's name at the bottom. The belief was that Desmond's Northern & Shell group would be happy to sign up to a Hunt plan as opposed to a Black plan – even though there is no PCC reform proposal on offer that is different from the Black model circulated last summer. | The duo and their allies worked hard to try to get others to sign. Richard Desmond, the Daily Express owner who distrusts Black, was sent a copy of the letter with Hunt's name at the bottom. The belief was that Desmond's Northern & Shell group would be happy to sign up to a Hunt plan as opposed to a Black plan – even though there is no PCC reform proposal on offer that is different from the Black model circulated last summer. |
| However, despite firm pressure from Hunt – a Tory cabinet minister during the John Major government – Lionel Barber, the editor of the Financial Times, Evgeny Lebedev, the proprietor of the Independent and Evening Standard, and Alan Rusbridger, editor of the Guardian, all declined to sign at the end of last week. | However, despite firm pressure from Hunt – a Tory cabinet minister during the John Major government – Lionel Barber, the editor of the Financial Times, Evgeny Lebedev, the proprietor of the Independent and Evening Standard, and Alan Rusbridger, editor of the Guardian, all declined to sign at the end of last week. |
| Their view was that it would be wiser to wait to read the judge's report – and respond to what is expected to be a document that is highly critical in places. | Their view was that it would be wiser to wait to read the judge's report – and respond to what is expected to be a document that is highly critical in places. |
| The three agreed to sign a separate, shorter letter, aimed at the judge, saying that "we await with real interest your report" – in an effort to strike a more humble tone. The gang of three also wanted to signal broad support for the principle of press reform without the use of a new law to compel newspaper owners to join – a general declaration of principle that was not intended to signal acquiescence to the Hunt/Black plan. | The three agreed to sign a separate, shorter letter, aimed at the judge, saying that "we await with real interest your report" – in an effort to strike a more humble tone. The gang of three also wanted to signal broad support for the principle of press reform without the use of a new law to compel newspaper owners to join – a general declaration of principle that was not intended to signal acquiescence to the Hunt/Black plan. |
| Underlining the alternative letter is a worry that the proposed structure of the Hunt/Black reform plan hands too much power to a separate "Industry Finance Board", which would have a veto over the appointment of the chair, would funnel cash through to the proposed new regulator, would control changes to the body's sanctions, regulations, parts of its membership – and would even have to agree changes to the code of practice. | Underlining the alternative letter is a worry that the proposed structure of the Hunt/Black reform plan hands too much power to a separate "Industry Finance Board", which would have a veto over the appointment of the chair, would funnel cash through to the proposed new regulator, would control changes to the body's sanctions, regulations, parts of its membership – and would even have to agree changes to the code of practice. |
| That is seen as a way for a handful of newspaper groups to perpetuate historic structures of power and influence through a body whose members would be drawn from weak, low profile industry trade bodies. | That is seen as a way for a handful of newspaper groups to perpetuate historic structures of power and influence through a body whose members would be drawn from weak, low profile industry trade bodies. |
| Some others are playing a more cautious game. The normally powerful News International has been consistently opposed to any statutory intervention. But rather than play its hand aggressively in public, it has been content to run a more discreet lobbying operation, centred around Guto Harri, its director of communications. | Some others are playing a more cautious game. The normally powerful News International has been consistently opposed to any statutory intervention. But rather than play its hand aggressively in public, it has been content to run a more discreet lobbying operation, centred around Guto Harri, its director of communications. |
| Given the ongoing phone hacking and corrupt payments inquiries, it would be difficult for its positioning to be more overt. But the company can rely on many allies within government and good relationships with key ministers, such as George Osborne and Michael Gove, the last of whom is a former Times journalist. | Given the ongoing phone hacking and corrupt payments inquiries, it would be difficult for its positioning to be more overt. But the company can rely on many allies within government and good relationships with key ministers, such as George Osborne and Michael Gove, the last of whom is a former Times journalist. |
| However, Hunt, desperate to preserve industry unity, consistently says he has the support of all players in public. On the Today programme on Monday morning the peer, speaking with characteristic optimism, said "all publishers" would "sign up" to a model of an industry regulator independent of statute that would be able to enforce fines and other sanctions against errant publishers, because they were tied into the regulator through long term contracts. | However, Hunt, desperate to preserve industry unity, consistently says he has the support of all players in public. On the Today programme on Monday morning the peer, speaking with characteristic optimism, said "all publishers" would "sign up" to a model of an industry regulator independent of statute that would be able to enforce fines and other sanctions against errant publishers, because they were tied into the regulator through long term contracts. |
| The peer has asked to see a copy of the Barber-Lebedev-Rusbridger letter – he may sign it and ask others in his camp to do so, in the belief that a common position of any kind is worth agreeing ahead of whatever the judge has to say and whatever politics is to come. | The peer has asked to see a copy of the Barber-Lebedev-Rusbridger letter – he may sign it and ask others in his camp to do so, in the belief that a common position of any kind is worth agreeing ahead of whatever the judge has to say and whatever politics is to come. |
| For and against reform | For and against reform |
| • Pro-reform campaign | • Pro-reform campaign |
| Hacked Off has corralled a previously unconnected group of "victims" of the press, ranging from actor Hugh Grant to the family of murder victim Milly Dowler, along with academics, lawyers and other interested parties into a well targeted pressure group, successfully lobbying for the judge-led inquiry that reports this week. While Grant is its public face, behind the scenes it is run by Evan Harris, a former Liberal Democrat MP, with Brian Cathcart, a respected former journalist with Reuters and the New Statesman, who is now an academic. | Hacked Off has corralled a previously unconnected group of "victims" of the press, ranging from actor Hugh Grant to the family of murder victim Milly Dowler, along with academics, lawyers and other interested parties into a well targeted pressure group, successfully lobbying for the judge-led inquiry that reports this week. While Grant is its public face, behind the scenes it is run by Evan Harris, a former Liberal Democrat MP, with Brian Cathcart, a respected former journalist with Reuters and the New Statesman, who is now an academic. |
| Hacked Off is campaigning for statutory underpinning "to secure participation of the press in a system of regulation independent of both government and the industry". | Hacked Off is campaigning for statutory underpinning "to secure participation of the press in a system of regulation independent of both government and the industry". |
| In this camp The former Formula One boss Max Moseley, libel lawyer Hugh Tomlinson QC, Hacked Off supporters Hugh Grant, Charlotte Church and the parents of Madeleine McCann, NUJ boss Michelle Stanistreet, more than 70 Tory MPs led by George Eustice. | In this camp The former Formula One boss Max Moseley, libel lawyer Hugh Tomlinson QC, Hacked Off supporters Hugh Grant, Charlotte Church and the parents of Madeleine McCann, NUJ boss Michelle Stanistreet, more than 70 Tory MPs led by George Eustice. |
| • Anti-reform campaign | • Anti-reform campaign |
| The campaign for continued self-regulation is being led by Lords Hunt and Black. They are proposing a new body which will have the power to investigate, to impose fines of up to £1m, and to ensure that all newspapers comply with its adjudications through a legally binding five-year contract. Black has the ear of David Cameron and is also believed to be influential in the establishment of the Free Speech Network, a newspaper lobby against legislation which has issued dire warnings that regulation would be "manna from heaven" for the likes of Robert Mugabe. | The campaign for continued self-regulation is being led by Lords Hunt and Black. They are proposing a new body which will have the power to investigate, to impose fines of up to £1m, and to ensure that all newspapers comply with its adjudications through a legally binding five-year contract. Black has the ear of David Cameron and is also believed to be influential in the establishment of the Free Speech Network, a newspaper lobby against legislation which has issued dire warnings that regulation would be "manna from heaven" for the likes of Robert Mugabe. |
| In this camp The Daily Mail, led by its editor, Paul Dacre, Boris Johnson, and Michael Gove. All the UK's national newspapers are opposed to the notion of statutory regulation, but the Guardian, FT, Independent and Evening Standard have refused to sign up to the Black/Hunt plan, arguing that it is not independent enough of the industry. Lisa O'Carroll | |