This article is from the source 'guardian' and was first published or seen on . It last changed over 40 days ago and won't be checked again for changes.
You can find the current article at its original source at http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2012/dec/06/economic-reality-belfast-union-flag
The article has changed 6 times. There is an RSS feed of changes available.
| Version 0 | Version 1 |
|---|---|
| Economic reality puts Belfast union flag row into perspective | Economic reality puts Belfast union flag row into perspective |
| (4 months later) | |
| As Ulster loyalists torched offices belonging to the non-sectarian Alliance party, bombarded police with missiles and bottles and threatened to turn Belfast City Hall into a slaughterhouse this week they were oblivious to an apposite event occurring south of the Irish border. | As Ulster loyalists torched offices belonging to the non-sectarian Alliance party, bombarded police with missiles and bottles and threatened to turn Belfast City Hall into a slaughterhouse this week they were oblivious to an apposite event occurring south of the Irish border. |
| On the day hardline loyalists – angered over Belfast city council's decision only to fly the union flag on designated days such as the Queen's birthday – moved their violent protests to the highly symbolic town of Carrickfergus, the Irish Republic introduced its sixth austerity budget in a row. | On the day hardline loyalists – angered over Belfast city council's decision only to fly the union flag on designated days such as the Queen's birthday – moved their violent protests to the highly symbolic town of Carrickfergus, the Irish Republic introduced its sixth austerity budget in a row. |
| While the extremists saw the end of a policy of flying the union flag 365 days a year as an existential threat to the union itself, the financial and political realities in Dublin said otherwise. | While the extremists saw the end of a policy of flying the union flag 365 days a year as an existential threat to the union itself, the financial and political realities in Dublin said otherwise. |
| Irish budget day underlined how bankrupt and utterly dependent the Republic remains on the International Monetary Fund, the European Central Bank and the EU to pay for the country's social welfare system, hospitals, schools and public services. | Irish budget day underlined how bankrupt and utterly dependent the Republic remains on the International Monetary Fund, the European Central Bank and the EU to pay for the country's social welfare system, hospitals, schools and public services. |
| The idea of the Republic absorbing Northern Ireland in a unitary state seems economically far fetched. The cost would add 15% to the Republic's public spending, which even in the Celtic Tiger boom years would have been a catastrophic shock to the system. | The idea of the Republic absorbing Northern Ireland in a unitary state seems economically far fetched. The cost would add 15% to the Republic's public spending, which even in the Celtic Tiger boom years would have been a catastrophic shock to the system. |
| So, in reality, the row over how many days the UK's flag can flutter on top of the green dome of City Hall in Belfast is more about an inter-communal squabble over symbols strictly within the confines of Northern Ireland. | So, in reality, the row over how many days the UK's flag can flutter on top of the green dome of City Hall in Belfast is more about an inter-communal squabble over symbols strictly within the confines of Northern Ireland. |
| Why then do unionist politicians employ incendiary language, denouncing the Alliance party this week as a "delivery system for Sinn Féin", and loyalists riot and burn over a policy change that does not alter the constitutional status quo? | Why then do unionist politicians employ incendiary language, denouncing the Alliance party this week as a "delivery system for Sinn Féin", and loyalists riot and burn over a policy change that does not alter the constitutional status quo? |
| Professor Peter Shirlow, from Queen's University Belfast, who has spent more than a decade mapping sectarian patterns across Northern Irish society, believes loyalists see red owing to double-standards in the behaviour of nationalists. | Professor Peter Shirlow, from Queen's University Belfast, who has spent more than a decade mapping sectarian patterns across Northern Irish society, believes loyalists see red owing to double-standards in the behaviour of nationalists. |
| Shirlow points out that both Sinn Féin and the less stridently nationalist SDLP recently voted to retain a policy of naming a children's playground after the IRA hunger striker Raymond McCreesh in Newry. | Shirlow points out that both Sinn Féin and the less stridently nationalist SDLP recently voted to retain a policy of naming a children's playground after the IRA hunger striker Raymond McCreesh in Newry. |
| "Many unionists they see this as the ultimately in hypocrisy. On the one hand in Belfast Sinn Féin and the SDLP argue the need to create a neutral space at City Hall means the removal of the union flag. And yet these same parties name a kids' playground after an IRA man, which unionists feel is deeply offensive," he said. | "Many unionists they see this as the ultimately in hypocrisy. On the one hand in Belfast Sinn Féin and the SDLP argue the need to create a neutral space at City Hall means the removal of the union flag. And yet these same parties name a kids' playground after an IRA man, which unionists feel is deeply offensive," he said. |
| The Alliance party began 2012 in the crosshairs of the dissident republican terror groups because their leader, David Ford, is Northern Ireland's justice minister. As part of the ongoing disputes in Maghaberry prison, for which Ford ultimately has responsibility, supporters of Continuity IRA and new IRA prisoners first picketed Alliance's HQ in Belfast's University district and then later smeared it with excrement. | The Alliance party began 2012 in the crosshairs of the dissident republican terror groups because their leader, David Ford, is Northern Ireland's justice minister. As part of the ongoing disputes in Maghaberry prison, for which Ford ultimately has responsibility, supporters of Continuity IRA and new IRA prisoners first picketed Alliance's HQ in Belfast's University district and then later smeared it with excrement. |
| Now Alliance is in the sights of hardline loyalists simply because the party was able to implement one of its core policies: to make parts of Northern Ireland, including council buildings, neutral venues for both communities. It was Alliance councillors, who hold the balance of power at City Hall, whose councillors were critical of (29 in voting favour, 21 against) taking down the union flag while ensuring it will still fly on 20 key days of the year. | Now Alliance is in the sights of hardline loyalists simply because the party was able to implement one of its core policies: to make parts of Northern Ireland, including council buildings, neutral venues for both communities. It was Alliance councillors, who hold the balance of power at City Hall, whose councillors were critical of (29 in voting favour, 21 against) taking down the union flag while ensuring it will still fly on 20 key days of the year. |
| This compromise satisfied neither mainstream unionist parties nor the more extreme elements connected to loyalist paramilitaries. They exploited demographic fears within the unionist community in Belfast about the city being "lost" to nationalists. | This compromise satisfied neither mainstream unionist parties nor the more extreme elements connected to loyalist paramilitaries. They exploited demographic fears within the unionist community in Belfast about the city being "lost" to nationalists. |
| However, they ignored a key fact that the unionist electorate only has itself to blame for the growing representation of nationalist councillors in Belfast. Protestant-unionist wards in successive elections record far lower turnouts to the polling stations than they do across the various "peace-walls" in Catholic-nationalist areas of the city. Indifference to elections as much as population changes have shifted the balance of power in Belfast. | However, they ignored a key fact that the unionist electorate only has itself to blame for the growing representation of nationalist councillors in Belfast. Protestant-unionist wards in successive elections record far lower turnouts to the polling stations than they do across the various "peace-walls" in Catholic-nationalist areas of the city. Indifference to elections as much as population changes have shifted the balance of power in Belfast. |
| While loyalists have deployed Facebook and other social networks not only to organise protests but to issue threats to Alliance councillors, republicans and nationalists have used the sites as well as text messaging to gloat about the union flag coming down from the dome on Tuesday morning. | While loyalists have deployed Facebook and other social networks not only to organise protests but to issue threats to Alliance councillors, republicans and nationalists have used the sites as well as text messaging to gloat about the union flag coming down from the dome on Tuesday morning. |
| One particularly triumphalist message doing the rounds across Belfast and beyond has a festive feel to it: "Sleigh bells ring, are you listening, the union flag has gone missing, the Huns smashed up the town as the crown rag came down, walking in a Fenian wonderland." | One particularly triumphalist message doing the rounds across Belfast and beyond has a festive feel to it: "Sleigh bells ring, are you listening, the union flag has gone missing, the Huns smashed up the town as the crown rag came down, walking in a Fenian wonderland." |
| Such is the season of peace and goodwill in the still bitterly divided city of Belfast. | Such is the season of peace and goodwill in the still bitterly divided city of Belfast. |
| guardian.co.uk today is our daily snapshot of the top news stories, sent to your inbox at 8am |