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| Focusing on the positives of the European Union | Focusing on the positives of the European Union |
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| The contrast between debates about the EU in the UK and elsewhere is stark (Europe is already gnawing at Cameron's vitals, 2 January). Here we are only interested in whether we should be in it, whereas the other 26 members discuss how to get the best out of the union. If I may highlight one area: €53bn has been invested into science and technology via the EU's Seventh Framework programme. After Germany, the UK is the largest recipient, estimated at €1bn per annum (about 12.5% of the total we pay in to the EU). Of that money, 35% goes to private businesses, many of them SMEs, the rest goes to our universities. | The contrast between debates about the EU in the UK and elsewhere is stark (Europe is already gnawing at Cameron's vitals, 2 January). Here we are only interested in whether we should be in it, whereas the other 26 members discuss how to get the best out of the union. If I may highlight one area: €53bn has been invested into science and technology via the EU's Seventh Framework programme. After Germany, the UK is the largest recipient, estimated at €1bn per annum (about 12.5% of the total we pay in to the EU). Of that money, 35% goes to private businesses, many of them SMEs, the rest goes to our universities. |
| The scheme has achieved outstanding results, both technically and commercially, such as advances in stem-cell therapies, intelligent vehicle systems and high-speed internet. Even the humble mobile phone received a kickstart with EU money under an earlier FP programme, resulting in Europe leading the world in mobile technology. Yet we never hear about it in this country, even though it has delivered benefits in terms of jobs, products and the development of essential international supply chains. | The scheme has achieved outstanding results, both technically and commercially, such as advances in stem-cell therapies, intelligent vehicle systems and high-speed internet. Even the humble mobile phone received a kickstart with EU money under an earlier FP programme, resulting in Europe leading the world in mobile technology. Yet we never hear about it in this country, even though it has delivered benefits in terms of jobs, products and the development of essential international supply chains. |
| It's time to refocus the debate away from sterile maundering about a long-lost past, and instead get on with exploiting the great benefits that the EU has delivered – and if that needs a referendum to get this nonsense settled, then bring it on. Eric Goodyer Colsterworth, Lincolnshire | It's time to refocus the debate away from sterile maundering about a long-lost past, and instead get on with exploiting the great benefits that the EU has delivered – and if that needs a referendum to get this nonsense settled, then bring it on. Eric Goodyer Colsterworth, Lincolnshire |
| • Not a single politician, interviewed in recent days, has acknowledged the social and employment rights glue that has held the European project together since the very first treaty – the European Coal and Steel Community of 1951. The deal struck with each new development of the free market in Europe came with a social package. The founders' intention was to build an "economy of peace", replacing generations of war, and had to take the people with them. This deal brought the TUC into the pro-European camp in the late 80s and was clinched when Jacques Delors, the socialist president of the European Commission, said the 1992 single market would have a social programme. That was delivered, leading even to social chapter negotiations of legally binding framework agreements on workers' rights. The Tories loathed "social Europe" and Tony Blair and Lord Mandelson turned their backs at first and then opposed it, too, following the business lobby. | • Not a single politician, interviewed in recent days, has acknowledged the social and employment rights glue that has held the European project together since the very first treaty – the European Coal and Steel Community of 1951. The deal struck with each new development of the free market in Europe came with a social package. The founders' intention was to build an "economy of peace", replacing generations of war, and had to take the people with them. This deal brought the TUC into the pro-European camp in the late 80s and was clinched when Jacques Delors, the socialist president of the European Commission, said the 1992 single market would have a social programme. That was delivered, leading even to social chapter negotiations of legally binding framework agreements on workers' rights. The Tories loathed "social Europe" and Tony Blair and Lord Mandelson turned their backs at first and then opposed it, too, following the business lobby. |
| The relentless campaign in the UK against this essential glue has now produced the Beecroft report, ordered and adopted by David Cameron. This targets EU social and employment rights. Nick Clegg has been a long-time advocate of repatriating EU social policy. | The relentless campaign in the UK against this essential glue has now produced the Beecroft report, ordered and adopted by David Cameron. This targets EU social and employment rights. Nick Clegg has been a long-time advocate of repatriating EU social policy. |
| In Brussels, austerity politics has also eroded social Europe. Britain could be out of the EU in the near future and out of the single market as well. If you work so assiduously to remove the social glue – as the Tories, New Labour, some Lib Dems and Ukip have done along with the CBI and Institute of Directors – what's left? A very lonely country, where the rest of us in the Commonwealth have moved on. We will not be going backwards to imperial preference. Dave Feickert Whanganui, New Zealand (Former TUC negotiator in Brussels 1993-2003) | In Brussels, austerity politics has also eroded social Europe. Britain could be out of the EU in the near future and out of the single market as well. If you work so assiduously to remove the social glue – as the Tories, New Labour, some Lib Dems and Ukip have done along with the CBI and Institute of Directors – what's left? A very lonely country, where the rest of us in the Commonwealth have moved on. We will not be going backwards to imperial preference. Dave Feickert Whanganui, New Zealand (Former TUC negotiator in Brussels 1993-2003) |
| • So, opinion polls suggest more Britons want to leave the EU now than 10 years ago. Back then both the European Movement and Britain in Europe were actively promoting the European cause, but this ceased because their major funders withdrew when the possibility of the UK joining the euro vanished. Since then only the anti-EU brigade has been banging its drum; it should not surprise anybody that opinion has apparently shifted. Opinion polls showed a large majority in favour of AV when only the "yes" group was campaigning, but results soon shifted once the "no" side got going. The same is likely to happen were an in/out referendum ever be called about the EU. Brian Hughes Cheltenham, Gloucestershire | • So, opinion polls suggest more Britons want to leave the EU now than 10 years ago. Back then both the European Movement and Britain in Europe were actively promoting the European cause, but this ceased because their major funders withdrew when the possibility of the UK joining the euro vanished. Since then only the anti-EU brigade has been banging its drum; it should not surprise anybody that opinion has apparently shifted. Opinion polls showed a large majority in favour of AV when only the "yes" group was campaigning, but results soon shifted once the "no" side got going. The same is likely to happen were an in/out referendum ever be called about the EU. Brian Hughes Cheltenham, Gloucestershire |
| • The Labour party's stance over the EU shows the ambivalence of the coward, unable to make out a cogent case either for or against. How true was Harold Macmillan when he chided Labour's similar stance 50 years ago over the Common Market negotiations: "She didn't say 'yes'; she didn't say 'no'; she didn't say 'stay'; she didn't say 'go'; she wanted to climb, but dreaded to fall; so she bided her time and clung to the wall." It is time Ed Miliband took up an honest position, one way or the other, and explained it clearly to millions of Labour supporters. Burjor Avari Department of history, Manchester Metropolitan University | • The Labour party's stance over the EU shows the ambivalence of the coward, unable to make out a cogent case either for or against. How true was Harold Macmillan when he chided Labour's similar stance 50 years ago over the Common Market negotiations: "She didn't say 'yes'; she didn't say 'no'; she didn't say 'stay'; she didn't say 'go'; she wanted to climb, but dreaded to fall; so she bided her time and clung to the wall." It is time Ed Miliband took up an honest position, one way or the other, and explained it clearly to millions of Labour supporters. Burjor Avari Department of history, Manchester Metropolitan University |
| • The problem with the PM's proposal of negotiating a "repatriation of powers" previously ceded to the EU, is that negotiation is impossible under the Lisbon treaty until the UK formally gives notice of its wish to leave – something I cannot see Cameron doing. This fact makes a nonsense of the idea that the government can hold a referendum, asking us if we agree to the details of a supposed new relationship with the EU, before we've told the EU we want to leave. Ken Wilson Birmingham | • The problem with the PM's proposal of negotiating a "repatriation of powers" previously ceded to the EU, is that negotiation is impossible under the Lisbon treaty until the UK formally gives notice of its wish to leave – something I cannot see Cameron doing. This fact makes a nonsense of the idea that the government can hold a referendum, asking us if we agree to the details of a supposed new relationship with the EU, before we've told the EU we want to leave. Ken Wilson Birmingham |
| • Simon Sweeney is right (Letters, 28 December): UK citizens resident in EU states other than UK would lose automatic right of residency if a referendum were to take the UK out of the EU. And those who've lived outside the UK for more than 15 years would not be allowed to vote in the referendum on a matter that affects them directly, making any such referendum a travesty of democracy. Michael Farrar Waterloo, Belgium | • Simon Sweeney is right (Letters, 28 December): UK citizens resident in EU states other than UK would lose automatic right of residency if a referendum were to take the UK out of the EU. And those who've lived outside the UK for more than 15 years would not be allowed to vote in the referendum on a matter that affects them directly, making any such referendum a travesty of democracy. Michael Farrar Waterloo, Belgium |
| • Can I suggest that instead of Scotland holding a referendum on independence that may jeopardise its EU membership, England, which seems less keen on the EU, holds one and thus may be able to leave the EU with grace while allowing the Scots their independence from the English and leaving them in (the Welsh and Northern Irish can sort themselves out). Patrick Hawke-Smith Saffron Walden, Essex | • Can I suggest that instead of Scotland holding a referendum on independence that may jeopardise its EU membership, England, which seems less keen on the EU, holds one and thus may be able to leave the EU with grace while allowing the Scots their independence from the English and leaving them in (the Welsh and Northern Irish can sort themselves out). Patrick Hawke-Smith Saffron Walden, Essex |
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