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John Boehner's bad week: enough to bring a tear to the eye John Boehner's bad week: enough to bring a tear to the eye
(21 days later)
Who hasn't got got a little teary after a bad spell at the office? John Boehner, having survived a brief but painful challenge to his position as the most powerful Republican in Congress, was entitled to sniffle, even if – unlike most of us – he had to do it live on television.Who hasn't got got a little teary after a bad spell at the office? John Boehner, having survived a brief but painful challenge to his position as the most powerful Republican in Congress, was entitled to sniffle, even if – unlike most of us – he had to do it live on television.
"So help us God," Boehner said with evident relief, ending his brief remarks after being elected Speaker of the House of Representatives for the 113th Congress, and enduring a bout of uncertainty whether he would get enough support from his GOP colleagues to win on the first ballot."So help us God," Boehner said with evident relief, ending his brief remarks after being elected Speaker of the House of Representatives for the 113th Congress, and enduring a bout of uncertainty whether he would get enough support from his GOP colleagues to win on the first ballot.
He did – just. An awkward squad of hard-liners, refuseniks and enemies within the Republican caucus mustered just nine votes against Boehner's re-election, failing by eight to deny Boehner re-election and force a second ballot that would have triggered chaos within party ranks.He did – just. An awkward squad of hard-liners, refuseniks and enemies within the Republican caucus mustered just nine votes against Boehner's re-election, failing by eight to deny Boehner re-election and force a second ballot that would have triggered chaos within party ranks.
The vote's damp squib was an echo of the friendly fire that Boehner has already faced, as well as a symptom of the circular firing squad within the unruly GOP caucus with which Boehner has struggled since he was first elected speaker in 2010.The vote's damp squib was an echo of the friendly fire that Boehner has already faced, as well as a symptom of the circular firing squad within the unruly GOP caucus with which Boehner has struggled since he was first elected speaker in 2010.
One of Boehner's colleagues in the House, Hal Rogers of Kentucky, summed up the speaker's plight to the New York Times: "It's a little bit like being the head caretaker of the cemetery. There are a lot of people under you but nobody listens."One of Boehner's colleagues in the House, Hal Rogers of Kentucky, summed up the speaker's plight to the New York Times: "It's a little bit like being the head caretaker of the cemetery. There are a lot of people under you but nobody listens."
Last week's events, straddling the 112th and 113th congresses and the fiscal cliff denouement over the new year, have their seeds in the debt ceiling and budget fight of 2011, when Boehner saw his attempt at a "grand bargain" with the White House dissolve in the face of opposition from his own side.Last week's events, straddling the 112th and 113th congresses and the fiscal cliff denouement over the new year, have their seeds in the debt ceiling and budget fight of 2011, when Boehner saw his attempt at a "grand bargain" with the White House dissolve in the face of opposition from his own side.
Fast forward to the end of December 2012, and Boehner had once again negotiated and then collapsed a deal with the White House. This time, however, he couldn't even rally his own side to back a bill of his own devising.Fast forward to the end of December 2012, and Boehner had once again negotiated and then collapsed a deal with the White House. This time, however, he couldn't even rally his own side to back a bill of his own devising.
As the clock ran out on a solution to the fiscal cliff combination of tax increases and budget cuts, Boehner announced that he would go ahead with a "plan B": legislation that allowed for income tax rates to rise on incomes over $1m. It was designed to be political theatre, to offer a Republican alternative and put pressure on the White House.As the clock ran out on a solution to the fiscal cliff combination of tax increases and budget cuts, Boehner announced that he would go ahead with a "plan B": legislation that allowed for income tax rates to rise on incomes over $1m. It was designed to be political theatre, to offer a Republican alternative and put pressure on the White House.
But even though "plan B" was far above President Obama's avowed tax-rise level of $250,000, or even the $400,000 that Boehner had negotiated with Obama, along with a number of other concessions, Republicans in the House refused to support it – forcing Boehner into the humiliating position of ditching a vote on his own plan.But even though "plan B" was far above President Obama's avowed tax-rise level of $250,000, or even the $400,000 that Boehner had negotiated with Obama, along with a number of other concessions, Republicans in the House refused to support it – forcing Boehner into the humiliating position of ditching a vote on his own plan.
Unable to even pass his most basic set of demands, Boehner had to admit that he couldn't offer an alternative.Unable to even pass his most basic set of demands, Boehner had to admit that he couldn't offer an alternative.
"The House did not take up the tax measure today because it did not have sufficient support from our members to pass," he dolefully conceded in a statement, saying it was now up to the White House and the Senate to proceed."The House did not take up the tax measure today because it did not have sufficient support from our members to pass," he dolefully conceded in a statement, saying it was now up to the White House and the Senate to proceed.
As time ticked away, Boehner was forced to watch from the sidelines, after expecting to be at the centre of the action. On the final weekend, he could only drop by Capitol Hill wearing a woollen pullover, signifying that he was off-duty.As time ticked away, Boehner was forced to watch from the sidelines, after expecting to be at the centre of the action. On the final weekend, he could only drop by Capitol Hill wearing a woollen pullover, signifying that he was off-duty.
When Boehner finally called the House back into session, the deal had been done without him. And having pledged that he would only go ahead with legislation backed by a majority of the GOP caucus, he was trapped.When Boehner finally called the House back into session, the deal had been done without him. And having pledged that he would only go ahead with legislation backed by a majority of the GOP caucus, he was trapped.
The Republican leadership's whipping operation was woeful: the bill received only 85 GOP votes, passing through the House on Democratic support. Nearly two-thirds of Republicans in the House voted against it, including Boehner's ally, the majority leader Eric Cantor.The Republican leadership's whipping operation was woeful: the bill received only 85 GOP votes, passing through the House on Democratic support. Nearly two-thirds of Republicans in the House voted against it, including Boehner's ally, the majority leader Eric Cantor.
Angry recriminations followed, as various Tea Party factions vowed revenge. And – as revealed by Politico – Boehner's own anger surfaced in public, with the news that he had reportedly told Reid to "go fuck yourself" during talks on the fiscal cliff the previous week.Angry recriminations followed, as various Tea Party factions vowed revenge. And – as revealed by Politico – Boehner's own anger surfaced in public, with the news that he had reportedly told Reid to "go fuck yourself" during talks on the fiscal cliff the previous week.
Worse was to come: once the fiscal cliff deal was passed, Boehner had sent his troops home for the night, squashing a vote planned to give more than $60bn in disaster relief to the areas that were hit by Hurricane Sandy.Worse was to come: once the fiscal cliff deal was passed, Boehner had sent his troops home for the night, squashing a vote planned to give more than $60bn in disaster relief to the areas that were hit by Hurricane Sandy.
That decision sent Republicans from the storm-hit region into apoplexy. A string of New York congressman denounced Boehner on cable news. Then Chris Christie, the formidable governor of New Jersey, held a brutal press conference in which he pointedly shamed Boehner for having dropped the Sandy relief bill.That decision sent Republicans from the storm-hit region into apoplexy. A string of New York congressman denounced Boehner on cable news. Then Chris Christie, the formidable governor of New Jersey, held a brutal press conference in which he pointedly shamed Boehner for having dropped the Sandy relief bill.
"There is only one group to blame," Christie said, "The House Majority and John Boehner... It was the Speaker's decision – his alone.""There is only one group to blame," Christie said, "The House Majority and John Boehner... It was the Speaker's decision – his alone."
Hurried negotiations with the unhappy Republicans followed, and a promise of two votes on relief funds for Sandy's victims stopped the cable news bloodletting. Yet as the clips of Christie's rebuke were still being replayed, the following day saw another dose of humiliation as Boehner ran for re-election as speaker.Hurried negotiations with the unhappy Republicans followed, and a promise of two votes on relief funds for Sandy's victims stopped the cable news bloodletting. Yet as the clips of Christie's rebuke were still being replayed, the following day saw another dose of humiliation as Boehner ran for re-election as speaker.
Luckily for him, a rebellion by a few Republicans was poorly planned and lacked an credible alternative candidate – but even then the attempt came within a handful of votes of upsetting Boehner's re-election.Luckily for him, a rebellion by a few Republicans was poorly planned and lacked an credible alternative candidate – but even then the attempt came within a handful of votes of upsetting Boehner's re-election.
Live on television, the roll call of House members showed the tally of those voting against Boehner inching up. There was a brief frenzy as the combined anti-Boehner votes and absent members rose to 17, the figure that would potentially trigger a second ballot. But it collapsed again when a few of the absentee members emerged to vote for Boehner, giving him the majority he needed.Live on television, the roll call of House members showed the tally of those voting against Boehner inching up. There was a brief frenzy as the combined anti-Boehner votes and absent members rose to 17, the figure that would potentially trigger a second ballot. But it collapsed again when a few of the absentee members emerged to vote for Boehner, giving him the majority he needed.
If Boehner thought the Republicans of the 113th Congress were going to be any happier than those of the 112th, then he had better order another truck-load of tissues.If Boehner thought the Republicans of the 113th Congress were going to be any happier than those of the 112th, then he had better order another truck-load of tissues.
The day after his re-election, Boehner saw 67 Republicans in the House vote against an otherwise unexceptional bill extending flood insurance relief for Sandy victims by $9bn – including a clump of new members who had been sworn in on Thursday.The day after his re-election, Boehner saw 67 Republicans in the House vote against an otherwise unexceptional bill extending flood insurance relief for Sandy victims by $9bn – including a clump of new members who had been sworn in on Thursday.
In an ominous sign, the nays included the former vice presidential candidate Paul Ryan. With another vote on $50bn of Sandy relief coming up, not to mention the debt ceiling and budget negotiations in coming months, Boehner may need more than a shoulder to cry on.In an ominous sign, the nays included the former vice presidential candidate Paul Ryan. With another vote on $50bn of Sandy relief coming up, not to mention the debt ceiling and budget negotiations in coming months, Boehner may need more than a shoulder to cry on.
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