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Nicola Sturgeon should be cautious in seeking Irish support: Dublin has its eye on the North Nicola Sturgeon should be cautious in seeking Irish support: Dublin has its eye on the North
(about 5 hours later)
One overlooked outcome of the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, which began bringing 30 years of violence in Northern Ireland to an end, was the ditching of Articles 2 and 3 of the Irish Republic's constitution.One overlooked outcome of the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, which began bringing 30 years of violence in Northern Ireland to an end, was the ditching of Articles 2 and 3 of the Irish Republic's constitution.
From 1937 onwards, they had committed all Irish governments to actively pursue a policy of ending partition and subsequently dissolving the state of Northern Ireland, and its union with Britain.From 1937 onwards, they had committed all Irish governments to actively pursue a policy of ending partition and subsequently dissolving the state of Northern Ireland, and its union with Britain.
It was effectively a constitutional imperative; they were 'articles of nationalist faith'. Yet by a massive majority – over 95 per cent – the population of southern Ireland voted to jettison articles 2 and 3 in the interests of a historic compromise between unionism and nationalism on the island. It was effectively a constitutional imperative; they were "articles of nationalist faith". Yet by a massive majority – over 95% – the population of southern Ireland voted to jettison Articles 2 and 3 in the interests of a historic compromise between unionism and nationalism on the island.
Unionists in the north often ignore this huge shift in 1998 which underlined a social fact already well established in the Republic: that most people and their politicians might have been spiritually in favour of a united Ireland (especially when the republican ballads were reaching a climax in the pub late on a Saturday night) but practically they preferred a balanced, power-sharing arrangement between Protestants and Catholics within Northern Ireland, and preferably with the UK Treasury still picking up the tab.Unionists in the north often ignore this huge shift in 1998 which underlined a social fact already well established in the Republic: that most people and their politicians might have been spiritually in favour of a united Ireland (especially when the republican ballads were reaching a climax in the pub late on a Saturday night) but practically they preferred a balanced, power-sharing arrangement between Protestants and Catholics within Northern Ireland, and preferably with the UK Treasury still picking up the tab.
Scottish nationalists have been looking across the Irish Sea of late for inspiration, in their long march towards independence from the UK. SNP luminaries including the First Minister Alex Salmond used to cite "Celtic tiger" Ireland as a template for an independent Scotland that could stand on its own economically both in Europe and the wider world.Scottish nationalists have been looking across the Irish Sea of late for inspiration, in their long march towards independence from the UK. SNP luminaries including the First Minister Alex Salmond used to cite "Celtic tiger" Ireland as a template for an independent Scotland that could stand on its own economically both in Europe and the wider world.
Of course Dublin is no longer a shining economic light given that it lost has fiscal sovereignty (surrendered to the IMF, European Central Bank and EU in the 2010 bail out) and relies on the largesse mainly of the German taxpayer to run its public services and pay its nurses, doctors, police officers, soldiers and civil servants.Of course Dublin is no longer a shining economic light given that it lost has fiscal sovereignty (surrendered to the IMF, European Central Bank and EU in the 2010 bail out) and relies on the largesse mainly of the German taxpayer to run its public services and pay its nurses, doctors, police officers, soldiers and civil servants.
Even so, advocates of Scottish independence instead reach into Irish history as Salmond did last year when he said that Ireland and Scotland shared a common experience of "bullying" and intimidation by London governments; allusions which implied their histories were aligned.Even so, advocates of Scottish independence instead reach into Irish history as Salmond did last year when he said that Ireland and Scotland shared a common experience of "bullying" and intimidation by London governments; allusions which implied their histories were aligned.
The recent controversy, however, involving Nicola Sturgeon, Scotland's deputy first minister, the BBC and Ireland's Europea minister Lucinda Creighton should be a warning to the SNP government at Holyrood about seeking succour in Dublin for their own nationalist cause.The recent controversy, however, involving Nicola Sturgeon, Scotland's deputy first minister, the BBC and Ireland's Europea minister Lucinda Creighton should be a warning to the SNP government at Holyrood about seeking succour in Dublin for their own nationalist cause.
Sturgeon's alarm about Creighton's belief - in a BBC Scotland interview - that an independent Scotland would face "tough" and "complex" negotiations to enter into the EU as a new, autonomous state points to the problem of relying on the Irish to bolster your case for separation.Sturgeon's alarm about Creighton's belief - in a BBC Scotland interview - that an independent Scotland would face "tough" and "complex" negotiations to enter into the EU as a new, autonomous state points to the problem of relying on the Irish to bolster your case for separation.
Sturgeon succeeded in getting Creighton to downplay the significance of her remarks (Creighton wrote a letter insisting Scotland would be welcome in the EU), but that makes little difference to one fundamental point: the Irish, like many other EU member states, will always put their own domestic interests first.Sturgeon succeeded in getting Creighton to downplay the significance of her remarks (Creighton wrote a letter insisting Scotland would be welcome in the EU), but that makes little difference to one fundamental point: the Irish, like many other EU member states, will always put their own domestic interests first.
Creighton was sharing a view on Scotland's position held by other European governments, but it is heavily influenced by a very specific self-interest and economic bonds.Creighton was sharing a view on Scotland's position held by other European governments, but it is heavily influenced by a very specific self-interest and economic bonds.
Because the current coalition in Dublin (just like the ones before it under Brian Cowen, Bertie Ahern, Albert Reynolds and yes even that bete noire of unionism, Charlie Haughey), takes a very pragmatic view of events in Northern Ireland and of their Unionist neighbours (and trading partners).Because the current coalition in Dublin (just like the ones before it under Brian Cowen, Bertie Ahern, Albert Reynolds and yes even that bete noire of unionism, Charlie Haughey), takes a very pragmatic view of events in Northern Ireland and of their Unionist neighbours (and trading partners).
The current administration includes its able deputy prime minister Eamon Gilmore, who in a previous political life (in the Workers Party during the 1980s) was one of the first to promote dumping Articles 2 and 3, to assuage unionist fears of political encirclement on the island.The current administration includes its able deputy prime minister Eamon Gilmore, who in a previous political life (in the Workers Party during the 1980s) was one of the first to promote dumping Articles 2 and 3, to assuage unionist fears of political encirclement on the island.
Sturgeon did her best in Dublin last week to also try and soothe Ulster unionist/Protestant worries about the impact of Scottish independence on their link with Britain.Sturgeon did her best in Dublin last week to also try and soothe Ulster unionist/Protestant worries about the impact of Scottish independence on their link with Britain.
There are open rumblings of opposition to Scottish independence in Northern Ireland: indeed the former Northern Irish first minister Lord David Trimble had a keynote speech at the Scottish Tories' launch of their Friends of the Union campaign last year. He made an incendiary speech about Scottish nationalists "doing violence" to the British identity of every Scot.There are open rumblings of opposition to Scottish independence in Northern Ireland: indeed the former Northern Irish first minister Lord David Trimble had a keynote speech at the Scottish Tories' launch of their Friends of the Union campaign last year. He made an incendiary speech about Scottish nationalists "doing violence" to the British identity of every Scot.
In an interview with the Guardian she insisted that the Unionists on the other side of the Irish Sea would still hold their constitutional destiny in their own hands even if Scotland cedes from the UK.In an interview with the Guardian she insisted that the Unionists on the other side of the Irish Sea would still hold their constitutional destiny in their own hands even if Scotland cedes from the UK.
Sturgeon said:Sturgeon said:
Look, the future of Northern Ireland is a matter for Northern Ireland and it's not a matter for me or anybody else in Scotland. It's only for Scotland to decide whether or not we become independent. The point I am making is that an independent Scotland would be a close neighbour and a good friend of the other parts of the UK and of the Republic of Ireland.Look, the future of Northern Ireland is a matter for Northern Ireland and it's not a matter for me or anybody else in Scotland. It's only for Scotland to decide whether or not we become independent. The point I am making is that an independent Scotland would be a close neighbour and a good friend of the other parts of the UK and of the Republic of Ireland.
What any other country choses to do is a matter for them and that is the essence of self determination and democracy.What any other country choses to do is a matter for them and that is the essence of self determination and democracy.
Sturgeon has, to her disquiet, found Northern Ireland's fresh conflicts on her own doorstep: her constituency office in Glasgow was picketed one Saturday in January by a small group of hard-line loyalists in a solidarity protest with unionists demonstrating against restrictions on flying the Union flag at the city council.Sturgeon has, to her disquiet, found Northern Ireland's fresh conflicts on her own doorstep: her constituency office in Glasgow was picketed one Saturday in January by a small group of hard-line loyalists in a solidarity protest with unionists demonstrating against restrictions on flying the Union flag at the city council.
Sturgeon denied that the Scottish National party's push towards leaving the UK was alarming unionists in Northern Ireland who have strong ancestral, religious, cultural, social and sporting ties to Scotland.Sturgeon denied that the Scottish National party's push towards leaving the UK was alarming unionists in Northern Ireland who have strong ancestral, religious, cultural, social and sporting ties to Scotland.
I don't think anybody has anything to fear if Scotland becomes independent. On the contrary, it is a great opportunity. There are strong relationships between Scotland and Northern Ireland, and with the Republic of Ireland. The debate about Scottish independence is not about identity but about where political and social power lies. We like many modern European countries are a melting pot of identities.I don't think anybody has anything to fear if Scotland becomes independent. On the contrary, it is a great opportunity. There are strong relationships between Scotland and Northern Ireland, and with the Republic of Ireland. The debate about Scottish independence is not about identity but about where political and social power lies. We like many modern European countries are a melting pot of identities.
If Scotland's deputy First Minister sounds wary about upsetting unionist sensitivities in Northern Ireland (already raw due to the restriction on flying the Union flag atop Belfast City Hall) then the southern Irish political classes are in turn hyper-careful about not fanning the flames.If Scotland's deputy First Minister sounds wary about upsetting unionist sensitivities in Northern Ireland (already raw due to the restriction on flying the Union flag atop Belfast City Hall) then the southern Irish political classes are in turn hyper-careful about not fanning the flames.
Gerry Adams, the Sinn Fein president, has been trying to turn up the heat on unionists of late by demanding a border poll on the constitutional future of Northern Ireland.Gerry Adams, the Sinn Fein president, has been trying to turn up the heat on unionists of late by demanding a border poll on the constitutional future of Northern Ireland.
The UK government's Northern Ireland secretary, Teresa Villiers, has ruled out any such plebescite – a denial that Sinn Fein will try and exploit as an example of British intrasigence in the forthcoming parliamentary by-election in Mid Ulster, caused by deputy first minister Martin McGuinness's decision to stand down to focus on Stormont.The UK government's Northern Ireland secretary, Teresa Villiers, has ruled out any such plebescite – a denial that Sinn Fein will try and exploit as an example of British intrasigence in the forthcoming parliamentary by-election in Mid Ulster, caused by deputy first minister Martin McGuinness's decision to stand down to focus on Stormont.
A straw poll of the party's political opponents in the Dail, particularly the governing parties, finds no appetite for a vote on whether or not to abolish the border.A straw poll of the party's political opponents in the Dail, particularly the governing parties, finds no appetite for a vote on whether or not to abolish the border.
Some of that political class regard the border poll suggestion as an exercise in tribalism which could further frighten the unionist horses and heighten tensions in the north. As for Scotland, the attitude of official Dublin regarding independence over there will remain agnostic – at its most benign.Some of that political class regard the border poll suggestion as an exercise in tribalism which could further frighten the unionist horses and heighten tensions in the north. As for Scotland, the attitude of official Dublin regarding independence over there will remain agnostic – at its most benign.